This article has been extracted by Gareth Hicks (July 2004) with the permission of the Carmarthenshire Antiquarian Society from original material provided by Deric John.

SOME ASPECTS OF EARLY NONCONFORMITY AND EARLY COMMERCE IN LLANELLI

By W. KEMMIS BUCKLEY, M.A.

(An address given to the Society at Llanelli Public Library on February 20th 1970).

IN THE YEAR 1760  1   there rode into Llanelli, perhaps indeed past this very building, Sir Thomas Stepney's new agent. He was aged 18, he came from a Pembrokeshire family, and his name was Henry Child. For the next seventy years he and his son-in-law, Rev. James Buckley, had a considerable influence on the growth of Wesleyan Methodism and on the development of business in Llanelli ; and it is about these two men, remarkable by any standard, that I would like to speak tonight.

I had always assumed that Sir Thomas chose Henry Child as his agent because he was a Methodist, but I now find that this is not so: he did not become a Member of the Methodist Society until 1769.   2   We will never know the reason why Sir Thomas engaged him ; it may have been because he knew his family in Pembrokeshire, or it may have been simply that he had recognized his ability. Whatever the reason, he can have had no cause to regret his choice.

This was an exciting time in the history of Llanelli. New ideas, religious and commercial, had began to penetrate into West Wales. John Wesley was bringing the Gospel to the people ; and Henry Child's arrival in the Borough almost coincided with that of Alexander Raby and Chauncey Townsend and just preceded that of the other big business men of the time --- the Wards, Wedges, Nevills and Lord Ashburnham.

He could see that there were ample opportunities for anyone with capital to make money ; and his first task was therefore to create capital. This he did in the classic manner by working harder and saving his earnings. In addition to his duties with the Stepney Estate, he became agent  3   to Admiral William Langdon, and to the Vaughans of Golden Grove in respect of their Kidwelly and Llanelli property.

By 1769 he was ready to take advantage of the situation created by the growing population which followed industrial expansion, and he took a lease of the Talbots Head  4 ---- an inn with a garden --- adjoining Parc Eynon. Shortly afterwards, he bought the old Malt House   5  which, until a few years' ago, stood at the top of Wind Street. (Why, after all, should one pay a middle man if one could make one's own Malt ?) Having become a Maltster, he then proceeded to find adequate outlets for his malt ; and he next acquired the Falcon.  6  This house, whose name is perpetuated in the name of the offices of Messrs. W. Griffiths, Son & Lewis (Architects) --- Falcon Chambers --- adjoined the churchyard at the bottom of Thomas Street ; and it soon became the centre of a considerable commercial activity stimulated by Henry Child --- to his great profit. He developed the market around the walls of the churchyard, the painting of which by Mrs. Havard in 1854   7 is so well known --- and the sellers and buyers doubtless frequented the Falcon. One of his duties was to supervise the perambulations of manorial boundaries,   8  " beating the bounds ", and the perambulators always returned to the Falcon. Here too, he received rents ; and his bills to the Vaughans and Stepneys for meals and beer to the rent-paying tenants have survived: it is interesting to note that the bills for beer and spirits were over ten times as much as for the food eaten. At election times, the forty-shilling freeholders met at the Falcon   9  and then trooped away under Henry Child's guidance to cast their votes as their conscience, or that of Henry Child's, dictated. Finally, he entered the auctioneering   10  business --- both of property and household and agricultural goods --- and the auctions were, of course, held at the Falcon.

Clearly, this was a profitable business ; and in 1791 he leased another inn, the Carmarthen Arms 11  in Wind Street. This was followed by his building the White Lion   12  in the same neighbourhood ; and finally, in 1799, he obtained a 55-year lease --- at £5 a year --- of the ground on which the Brewery now stands. 13

Coincidentally with all this, he expanded in a further logical direction : instead of buying barley with which to make malt, he took leases of farms 14  on which to grow his own grain. His next two ventures were again perfectly logical: Llanelli was a growing town and it needed flour to make bread, and he therefore leased the Llanelli Mill   15  and bought the Felinfoel Mill.   16 This business prospered in its turn, and he obtained a lease of a wharf at Llanelli Dock 17  from where he could export his surplus grain and flour.

At this stage, one becomes somewhat breathless in recounting his achievements ; but there are two further matters to be recorded. In 1810, he was named Trustee in the Act of Parliament for inclosing lands in Llanelli Parish and for leasing the said lands and applying the rents to improving the town and port.   18  Finally, in 1795, he went into partnership with Lord Ashburnham and a Mr. Tatlow to work Pembrey Colliery.  19

So far, this has been the story of a highly successful business man. but there was more to him than that. As I said earlier, he joined the Methodist Society in 1769.

It may be worth while at this stage to pause and consider briefly the extraordinary influence of Methodism at this period. I have not seen it better summed up than by Harold Nicolson in his "Age of Reason". "Lecky", he writes, " goes so far as to state that it was Methodism which at the end of the eighteenth century preserved England from a revolution as terrible as that of France . . . . Methodism, for the working classes, proved a welcome emotional sedative, while it gave to the rich a sense of responsibility and philanthropic conscience. It passed on to the evangelicals its high ideals of public and private duty ; by its example it reformed and raised the Church of England ; it purified politics, gave a fresh stimulus to public education, and created the wave of humanitarianism that led to the abolition of slavery and penal reform. Certainly it was one of the most civilizing inspirations that has ever improved the lot of man. All this was due to the genius and virtue of the gifted and charming little scholar who was born in Epworth Parsonage on 17th June 1703. "

Charming and gifted John Wesley certainly was: but two other qualities permeated his life --- spiritual dedication and almost unbelievable physical energy. In the year 1738 he underwent a mystical experience in a room in Aldersgate. We cannot know the precise nature of this experience but we do know that it was a turning point in his life and in the history of these Islands. From that moment on, his whole being was devoted to bringing the Gospel to the people, and particularly to the toiling masses who the Church of England was unwilling or unable to reach. From now until his death in 1791 he rode up and down the country preaching in markets, churches, churchyards, village greens, outside gaols and in shops.

One cannot help wondering whether there is any connection between Henry Child's conversion and the visit of John Wesley to Llanelli in that year. You will probably recall the well-known passage in Wesley's journal for 17th August 1769:   " At twelve I preached in the Castle at Carmarthen, in the evening in Llanelli. The behaviour of Sir Thomas's servants here (four or five of whom belong to the Society) has removed all prejudice from him, as well as from most of the town. Indeed, they are a pattern to all of their rank, truly 'adorning the doctrine of God our Saviour'. "

One wonders if Henry Child was already one of those four of five about whom Wesley speaks, or whether indeed he was converted as a result of listening to Wesley preach. We will never know.

This happy state of affairs in the Society in Llanelli did not last long ; and we find Wesley writing in his journal for 18th August 1774:  " .... I went on to Llanelli. But what a change was there ! Sir Thomas Stepney, the father of the poor, was dead ! Cut down in the strength of his years ! So the family was broke up, and Wilfred Colley, his butler, the father of the Society, obliged to remove. Soon after, John Deer, who was next in usefulness to him, was taken into Abraham's bosom ; but just then Col. St. Leger, in the neighbourhood, sent to Galway for Lieutenant Cook to come and put his house in repair and manage his Estate. So another is brought just in time to supply the place of Wilfred Colley ! I preached at five near Sister Deer's door, to a good company of plain country people ; and then rode over to the old ruinous house, which Mr. Cook is making all haste to repair. It is not unlike old Mr. Gwynne's house at Garth, having a few large handsome rooms. It is also situated much like that, only not quite so low for it has command of a well-cultivated vale, and of the fruitful side of the opposite mountain.

Friday, 19th: We rode on to Larn --- Ferry ".

I have quoted this passage at length not only because of its own intrinsic interest but because there is some local historical interest in identifying the people mentioned in it. We know nothing more about Wilfred Colley  20  or why he had to leave ; but was he perhaps the father of the John Colley who was joint owner with Sir John Stepney of the parcel of land in Pembrey which Henry Child sought to buy in 1810 in order to build a Meeting House ?   21  Of John Deer we know nothing except that he was one of two Methodist Brothers ;   22  and we know that Lieutenant Cook had served under Wolfe in Canada and that John Wesley had first met him Galway.   23

We know something more about Col. St. Leger. He came, it is said, from a Yorkshire family and served in the 34th Regiment of Foot, now the Border Regiment. His connection with Carmarthenshire came through his marriage to Mary, widow of Sir Edward Mansel of Trimsaran and Stradey. Sir Edward, who was not one of the more respectable members of the Mansel family, died without issue in 1754 and dispossessed his nephew and heir Sir Edward Vaughan Mansel to the Trimsaran property so that he inherited Stradey only. When, therefore, Col. Barry St. Leger married Lady Mary Mansel it is at least a reasonable assumption that they lived at the Plas, Trimsaran, and that this was the house at which John Wesley stayed for the night of 18th August 1774 and which Lieutenant Cook was making such haste to repair. Col. St. Leger was made a Freeman of Kidwelly in 1774 ; but he and his wife   24   lived latterly in the parish of St. George's Bloomsbury. I am much indebted for the information given in this passage --- and indeed in other passages --- to Mr. A. H. Williams (the noted Methodist historian), to Mr. W. H. Morris of Kidwelly, and above all, to Major Francis Jones whose encyclopedic knowledge of local genealogy makes easy the path of amateur antiquarians.

Be all this as it may, it is clear that at some time after the death of Sir Thomas Stepney, Henry Child became a leader of the Methodist Society in the Town. In his obituary, written by his son-in-law in the Wesleyan Methodist Magazine of 1824, he is described, in curiously modern language, as " a class leader whose exemplary conduct, sound judgement, strict veracity and uniform integrity silenced opposition to Methodism in the town ". John Wesley, who in the course of his Ministry visited Llanelli twelve   25  times, used to stay with him as did many of the earliest Methodist preachers.

At this time the Society was small because there were few English families in the neighbourhood, " the inhabitants generally " we are told " preferring their own native energetic language ".   26   On his last visit to Llanelli, however, Mr. Wesley was told that the one thing they wanted was a preaching house. He smiled, took a guinea out of his pocket and gave it to Mrs. Child .   27  The chapel --- Wind Street Chapel, demolished only three years ago --- was built in Henry Child's garden in 1792.   28

He married a Llanelli girl --- Mary Jones, the daughter of David Jones   29 --- and they had nine children one only of whom married and had issue --- Maria, the wife of Rev. James Buckley. He died in his house in Thomas Street in 1824 and is buried in the Parish Church.

Rev. James Buckley was born in Oldham, Lancashire, in 1770 and became a Wesleyan Minister in 1791. 30   He was appointed to the Glamorganshire Circuit in 1794; in those days the circuit was very extensive and stretched from Chepstow to Llanelli. His first visit to Llanelli is worth recording. We are told in the Wesleyan Methodist Magazine that " Near the end of his journey he had to cross a small arm of the sea which was fordable at low water. A person whom he saw there told him he might cross with safety and directed him to keep a certain object steadily in view. Mr. Buckley had not proceeded many yards, when the water became so deep, and the current so strong, that he was carried downwards above a quarter of a mile, before he reached the other side ; and then he only found a soft mud, insufficient to bear his weight.

Happily, a person who was perfectly acquainted with the area saw him, called upon him to stand still, and then hastened to him and guided him out of his difficult and most perilous position. Completely wet and covered with sand and mud, he got over the remaining four miles of his journey as quickly as possible, and rejoiced to find himself under the hospitable roof of Mr. Child "   31

It was presumably on this occasion that he first met his future wife whom he married in 1798 just before he was appointed to Diss in Norfolk. Some of Mr. Child's neighbours expressed their surprise that he should allow his daughter to marry a Methodist Minister, but he replied, " I am only surrendering to the Lord what I received from Him ; and I see nothing dishonourable, but the opposite, in giving her to a Minister of the Gospel of Christ ".   32

I do not propose to relate the details of his career from the time he married until the time he returned to South Wales in 1823 as his work in these years has little bearing on the history of Llanelli. Three impressions must, however, be given. We are told that he was a considerable preacher in a day of considerable preachers. One of his sermons still exists --- of immense length --- and it is now deposited with other Wesleyan relics in Hall Street Chapel. The second impression is recorded by Rev. Thomas Aubrey in his autobiography who states that he was extremely critical of the Welsh people ; " he considered himself head and shoulders above them even when standing in his stockinged feet ". Finally, we are told that he took an active part in the formation of the Wesleyan Missionary Auxiliary Society and that he took a deep interest throughout his life in the growing success of Wesleyan Missions .   33

His importance to us this evening lies in the fact that he consolidated and built on to Henry Child's achievements both in commerce and in the expansion of the Methodist Society in Llanelli. He was lucky in his appointmens(sic) and in the timing of them : he was holding the appointment at Swansea in 1824 when his father-in-law died and, having been Chairman of the South Wales District, his last appointment was to Carmarthen, after which he retired although remaining as " supernumerary " in Llanelli .  34  Both Swansea & Carmarthen were close enough to Llanelli for him to supervise his interests there. Furthermore, his eldest sons, kept on a tight rein, were of an age to act as his agents.

One of his first duties was to rebuild the Wind Street Chapel as it had become too small for the congregation. On 16th July 1828 Mrs. Buckley laid the foundation stone   35  " as her honoured mother had done the former ; and Rev. James Buckley preached on the site ; and on 21st November it was opened by him and Rev. W. Davis   36  and Rev. J. Bond in Welsh and English ".   37 , At this time the land was settled on trustees and secured to the Connexion . 38   Still the numbers continued to grow and the chapel was enlarged again in 1834. 39  James Buckley could not preach because of declining health, but he opened the service and gave an address at the close .   40  Non-conformist historians may be interested to learn that the Minister of Capel Als, Rev. David Rees, attended this ceremony  41 although at this time he was engaged in strongly criticising the autocracy of the Methodist Conference.

He would doubtless have regarded the care of the Methodists in Llanelli as his greatest achievement --- and what a change came over his flock in the years when he was connected with Llanelli both in increase of membership and in the size and numbers of chapels --- but he was also a good business man. I can illustrate this no better than by quoting from his own letters.

On 25th August 1828, at the time when Wind Street Chapel was being rebuilt, he wrote   42  to his son James   43  a letter which starts by telling him, in forceful terms, to look after both his spiritual and physical health and continues : " Mr. Wesley says, who was a good judge and ought to be regarded ---

" Six hours of sleep the human frame requires
And through hard studiance may to scorn incline
But lazy knaves will have all nine ".

.......... I suppose Mr. C. Nevill wrote to you re Mr. James's offer to advance money on Llanelli Chapel: if you can get him to advance £200 at 4 1/2 %, if not we must give him 5 %.

It is purely fortuitous that the next letter to be quoted also concerns Mr. Nevill. In June 1830,   44   Rev. James Buckley received a letter from a Mr. Fisher of 38 Newgate Street, London: --- " As one of the Corporation of London and a common council man for the ward of Farringdon Within I have recommended to the Mayor, Ald. and Common Council as well as the " Committee for General Purposes " to use a material from the neighbourhood of Swansea for the Carriageway of Black Friars Bridge, i.e. such as is used in many places about Prescot, St. Helen's, Warrington, and Pendleton ; you will recall it, Copper Dross or Slag as it is called in Lancashire. I don't mean cinders or Iron Dross but the heavy hard copper dross ". The rest of the letter contains suggestions as to how this commodity could be brought by barge from Llanelli to London Bridge. Immediately after receiving the letter Rev. James Buckley   45  wrote to his son, James, instructing him to see whether sufficient quantity could be obtained and on what terms, and he ended by telling James to make the enquiry  "without explaining to Mr. Nevill or any other person the purpose for which they are intended ". We know that Black Friars Bridge was ultimately paved with copper dross from Llanelli, and we can only hope that the Nevills and the Buckleys both made a satisfactory profit out of the transaction.

He is a much easier person to get to know than Henry Child because we can hear him talking through his letters whereas we know Henry Child at second-hand through the medium of deeds and plans and secondhand commentary. Throughout his letters, Rev. James Buckley combines the deep religious sentiments of his age with a somewhat surprising business sense. At one moment his eldest son, Henry Child Buckley, is commenting   46   that " our business is going on pretty well and increasing a little. The colliery is improving. Farming is the most troublesome, expensive, and the least profiable ". At the next moment he is writing   47  to the same son to say that he has heard from a person lately in Llanelli that Henry has been   " guzzling and drinking to excess repeatedly ". This person has lamented that " so fine a young man should be destroying himself by such habits " ; and the letter ends by threatening that if Henry does not reform, his mother and father will dispose of the business and the property and retire " to some peaceable part of the kingdom ".

For all this, however, it cannot have been an unhappy household. Listen to this letter of 1st December 1807   48  from Mrs. Buckley to her sister Catherine Child. " Mary has a bad cough and I am poorly. James and Elizabeth are busy at play, they are constant companions and very fond of each other, she strokes his face and says "poo poo Dace " and leads him by the hand. She has a new pair of shoes that she is much pleased with, she calls them " Pitty Duffs ". James is very shy in speaking Welsh, only now and then he slips out a cant expression. I had given Mary some medicine the other day: he observed it operate and cry'd " Mae'r Llodes fach hun purgho ".

Brother and Sister remained great friends throughout their lives, and my last quotation comes from Elizabeth's letter to James of 11th November 1824.   49  This will serve to show that there was a light side to their lives : " I spent two months in Llanelli, was at two very grand parties, and had two invitations, one from Nevill Broom, the other from Martin Roberts, to go to a concert, the Performers were to come from Carmarthen, but Lo ! and Behold ! when the ladies were all dress'd and preparing to go to the Assembly Room (the Town Hall) the news came that the Performers had staid at Kidwelly, where I suppose they thought they should have a more brilliant audience ..   And now pay particular attention ! ! Please to send me by the next book parcel, a small china crepe handkerchief, to wear on my neck at tea parties. If china crepe are out of fash, any other kind that is light and pretty will do: it must not be large, and put it down to Father's account ".

Rev. James Buckley died in 1839. He had taken a great interest in the Centenary Movement and despite his advancing years he attended   50  the Centenary Conference in Liverpool where he died shortly after the Conference had ended. He is buried in the Parish Churchyard in Llanelli.

It is time now to draw together the threads of this talk. I hope you will have discerned two distinct themes in the lives of these two men --- early Methodism and early Commerce in Llanelli. In the course of these seventy years, the Methodist Society grew from small beginnings into a virile community with Chapels of their own. In the same period the business expanded from the Talbots Head and the Falcon on such a sure foundation that it has been able to withstand the buffetting and stresses of the next two centuries.

These two men lie now in the Parish churchyard, within sight of two living memorials to their dedication and ability. On the one side of them stands the Hall Street Chapel, successor to their little chapel in Wind Street ; and on the other side stands the Brewery. I like to think they would approve of what the latest and the least of their descendants has said about them this evening ; and I am sure they would welcome as an epitaph these lines by their great contemporary William Blake. This mystic, unknown in his own time, might have almost been speaking of them and of John Wesley when he wrote :

" I rest not from the great task To open the
eternal worlds, to open the immortal eyes of
man inward ".

NOTES

In general the sources fall into two categories : contemporary or near contemporary Methodist publications, and unpublished Mss. held in the Carmarthenshire County Record Office. Three collections are of particular interest to students of early Methodism and early commerce in Llanelli ; the Castell Gorfod Mss., the Stepney (Llanelli) Mss., and the Cawdor Collection all three of which I have been guided through by the kindness of the County Archivist.

• 1 Stepney (Llanelli) Mss. Carms. Record Office.
• 2 Wesleyan Methodist Magazine 1824, pp.291-2.
• 3 Cawdor Collection.
• 4 Castell Gorfod Mss., p.30.
• 5 Ibid. plan 3. p.99.
• 6 Ibid. plan 3. p.99.
• 7 John Innes, Old Llanelly, 1902.
• 8 Cawdor Collection.
• 9 Ibid.
• 10 Ibid.
• 11 Castell Gorfod Mss., p.46.
• 12 The exact site of this is unknown.
• 13 Castell Gorfod Mss., Plan 3. p.99.
• 14 Ibid. p.64.
• 15 Ibid. p.54 and p.67.
• 16 Ibid. p.64.
• 17 Ibid. Plan 1. p.97.
• 18 Cawdor Collection and Act of Parliament.
• 19 See Pembrey Colliery Account Book in Ashburnham Collection in Nat. Lib. Wales (Mss. 10) : commences 29th Sept. 1795.
  " One fourth part the interest of the Earl of Ashburnham
  One fourth part the interest of Anthony Tatlow of Penshurst
  Two fourth parts the interest of Henry Child of Llanelly ".
  Henry Child was also appointed manager of the Pembrey Colliery ; his account books show great detail and competence.
• 20  It is at least possible that he moved to Cardiff. A Wilfred Colley attended a vestry meeting at St. John's Church in 1777 and the following year was responsible with others for the rates payable on the Wesleyan Methodist meeting-house in Church Street. (J. Hobson Matthews. Cardiff Records, pp.476 and 488).
• 21 Castell Gorfod Mss. Plan 9. p.97.
• 22 According to Rev. Hugh Hughes (who knew John Deer junior personally) John Wesley was invited to Llanelli by the two brothers Robert and John Deer: Yr Eurgrawn Wesleyaidd 1833, p.89-90.
• 23 Journal of John Wesley.
• 24 Probate of her Will was granted to her husband in 1788.
• 25 It is usually believed, and is stated on the plaque on the wall outside the Llanelli Library, that John Wesley preached at Llanelli eight times. There is, however, a difference between the number of sermons he preached and the number of visits he made. I have accepted the argument given to me by Mr. A. H. Williams, and based by him on a careful study of the First Edition of Wesley's journal, that Wesley visited Llanelli twelve times during the course of his Ministry.
• 26 Wes. Meth. Mag. 1835. p.138-139.
• 27 Ibid.
• 28 Ibid.
• 29 J. F. H. Buckley, Sheriffs of Carmarthenshire.
• 30 Wes. Meth. Mag. 1842. p.265 et seq.
• 31 Ibid.
• 32  Ibid.
• 33 Minutes of the Methodist Conference, Vol.ix, pp.6-7 (1840).
• 34 Wes. Meth. Mag. 1842. p.265 et seq.
• 35 Ibid.
• 36 The Rev. William Davies was the first Welsh Methodist Missionary to work in Africa, being posted to Sierra Leone in 1815. On his return he was always known as "Rev. William Davies Africa ". See Hugh Jones, Hanes Wesleyaeth Gymreig, Vol.2. pp.712-716.
• 37 Wes. Meth. Mag. 1842. p.265 et seq.
• 38 Ibid.
• 39 Ibid.
• 40 Ibid.
• 41 Ibid.
• 42 Castell Gorfod Mss. p.131.
• 43 James Buckley was born in 1802 and appears to have inherited in full measure his father's and his grandfather's commercial ability, taking over as he did the management of the family business after his father's death. It is perhaps worth recording that in 1969 the author met James Buckley's granddaughter, Miss Winifred Gwyn Jeffreys who well remembered meeting James Buckley. The life span of these two totals, so far, 168 years and stretches back into the beginnings of commercial life in Llanelli.
• 44 Castell Gorfod Mss. p.132.
• 45 Ibid. p.132.
• 46 Castell Gorfod Mss. p.127.
• 47 Ibid. p.133.
• 48 Ibid. p.116.
• 49 Ibid. p.123.
• 50 Minutes of the Methodist Conference Vol.ix., pp.6-7. (1840).

1943/4, Vol i, Pts 3 & 4

This article has been extracted by Gareth Hicks (July 2004) with the permission of the Carmarthenshire Antiquarian Society from original material provided by Deric John.

The main Rebecca Movement in Carmarthenshire  article is preceded by the Editorial which has commentary on the Rebecca series of articles

EDITORIAL.

The Editorial Board prefaced their last issue of the Antiquary with an apology for its late appearance. On this occasion they have, unfortunately, to repeat the apology with added emphasis. The delay in the appearance of this number is not the fault of any member of the Editorial Board --- the original manuscript was ready for Press early in 1943 but the labour conditions in the printing industry have delayed the appearance of the printed page for a period of over two years --- an unduly long period it must be admitted even in wartime.

When the 1943 issue was planned it was obvious that any historical publication appertaining to our county should be devoted to the celebration of the centenary of the Rebecca movement of 1843 in which Carmarthenshire figured so greatly. We were fortunate in obtaining the co-operation of a number of well known experts on this period Mr. T. H. Lewis who writes the social and economic background, the Rev. J. Dyfnallt Owen who has done so much by his lectures and writings to familiarize Welsh people with this important movement, and finally Mr. E. D. Jones of the National Library of Wales, Aberystwyth, who has given us first priority in printing a newly received and most valuable collection of manuscripts relating to the movement in Carmarthenshire, which have recently been presented to the National Library of Wales. Numerous other writers have contributed to the Appendicies. We apologize to all these gentlemen for the delay in the appearance of this volume.

Early in 1944 when it became clear that there would be considerable delay in the issue of the 1943 volume, it was decided that it would be fitting to print the complete set of Llanelly Rebecca MSS. at the National Library and not a first portion of them as was originally intended. This would so increase the size of the volume as to constitute it a double number for the years 1943-1944 based on the annual ration of paper allowed us. Under the circumstances we trust that members will look upon this as a special tribute to the Rebecca movement which, as we now know, led to the initiation of present social and administrative conditions in West Wales.

There are some things which we would wish to re-emphasize about our publication. As is befitting in Carmarthenshire, we have maintained the bi-lingual nature of this journal. Several members have greatly appreciated this change. Secondly, we feel that within reason each issue should contain substantial articles dealing with one general theme as this issue does with the Rebecca movement. This appears to us to be in keeping with the aims and needs of local societies, although in our case it represents a violent contrast to the earlier Transactions --- where a completely opposite policy was deliberately pursued. We hope that the 1945 volume will deal with painting and sketching in the county. It will be noticed that we are departing from the conventional archaeological, ecclesiastical and constitutional history. This does not mean that we do not consider these as within our scope. On the contrary we feel that they have been overdone in the past at the expense of the social and economic side. We shall return to them in due course.

With the termination of hostilities our society in common with other local societies will have to look to the future. Since the founding of the Carmarthenshire Antiquarian Society and Field Club in 1905 the general position of local antiquarian societies has changed considerably. The whole field of knowledge has been extended greatly and young persons have local history and archaeology well presented to them in school and above all the divergence between the interests of old folks and young folks has become appreciably wider. Local antiquarian societies have to be very careful that they do not constitute merely an old folks society. The attraction of young people into our ranks to take the places of those who have passed on will be a most difficult task but it will be essential if continuity is to be assured. The Executive of the Society have plans in hand for a programme for the coming winter and it is hoped that we shall see in our gatherings not only many old faces sadly missed in wartime but also many new ones both young and old.

A "REBECCA" LETTER.

Click here to view the original letter (155kb)

Original letter in Welsh, signed " Rebecca," to the Rev. Mr. Hughes, Vicar of Penbryn, Cardiganshire, dated from " Penyrherber," Mehefin 16, 1843, relating to the tithe and other matters, and bearing the post-marks of Newcastle Emlyn and Cardigan, June 22, 1843.

In the National Library of Wales.

(Block kindly lent by National Library.)

THE REBECCA MOVEMENT IN CARMARTHENSHIRE.

Its Social and Economic Background.

BY T. H. LEWIS, M.A., H.M.I.

Although the Rebecca Movement was not wholly confined to Carmarthenshire, it was so closely associated with the County that the contemporary social and economic background in Carmarthenshire must be taken into account in any attempt to assess the significance of the Movement. Hitherto, there has been a tendency to dwell largely on the many dramatic incidents connected with " Beca " and to refer in only general terms to the conditions against which the Rebecca Movement protested.   1

One of the causes of the trouble was the payment of tolls on turnpike roads. As however that system of tolls was common throughout England and Wales there arises the question why riots took place in Carmarthenshire --- a county whose inhabitants were usually regarded as being very law abiding. The destruction of most of the toll-gates in the county need not of itself be construed to represent an exceptionally strong feeling against that particular grievance. As one well-informed witness put it at the Inquiry, " I think the Commissioners are taking for granted that the gates have been the origin of this disturbance. It is no such thing; it is merely the means by which the feeling of the people has become apparent; for the breaking of gates has taken place at Newcastle-Emlyn, where the gates are scarcely paid or felt, and people have been the breakers of the gates who, I am satisfied, never paid two shillings in toll in the course of two years."

The very representative and frank evidence given before the Commissioners of Inquiry (1844) makes it quite clear that no grievance was felt against the principle of paying such a toll, any more than the farmers of Carmarthenshire to-day consider a tax on a motor car to be an iniquitous imposition. There is a lack of perspective in the following description taken from the " History of Carmarthenshire " (II pp. 353-54) : " There is no doubt that this pernicious system of turn-pike gates kept a strangle-hold on the economic development of the Shire, for the exorbitant tolls hindered the full .........

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1 Very useful information about the conditions in Carmarthenshire is given in the Report of the Commissioners of' Inquiry (1844). The statements made in this article are, in the main, based on the facts given in the Report.

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....... interchange of manufactured commodities, foreign merchandise, and agricultural produce." In 1843, the county was still largely a self-contained rural area, and not a manufacturing district. If the roads had not been constructed by turn-pike trusts the  'strangle-hold on the economic development of the shire' would have been still greater for there would have been hardly any roads at all except the parish roads, which usually were quite unsuitable for any considerable traffic. In any case, the farmers would have had to pay, in money or service, towards constructing and maintaining even those parish roads. Where the parishes were near any lime-works, the parish roads would be used by farmers from other parishes and possibly other counties. In such cases a turn-pike toll was more equitable than a parish rate. Many of the people who had been responsible for setting up the various turn-pike trusts or who were still maintaining them, were Carmarthenshire men who were keenly interested in the general development of the county.   2

Two questions, however, remain to be answered, namely, were the tolls in themselves exorbitant, and were the gates too numerous ? It might be useful, therefore, to refer to the work of a representative selection of these Trusts.

In the Main Trust which was founded about 1762 the annual toll income was £2,720 for its 16 gates and 10 side bars. No money was needlessly spent on elaborate toll houses. The most expensive of its toll houses (£300.) was at Abergwili the  "Trustees wanted something ornamental as it led to the Bishop's Palace." The Trust was £930 in arrear with its interest to the shareholders or, as they were then known, the tally holders. The work of this Trust had enabled communications between London and Waterford to be improved and for the Mails to be accelerated. Although this was for the general benefit of the United Kingdom rather than for the special benefit of Carmarthenshire, the Trust had readily undertaken the work although financial loss had been incurred thereby. The Rhynnws Bridge Trust, established in 1784, charged 3d. a horse (drawing a cart) and 1d. for a riding horse. This Trust, which had only one gate and one bar, was let to the Three Commotts Trust at the time of the Riots. Only seven dividends had been paid by the Three Commotts Trust since 1792 and it now had a debt of £9,463. Its annual income from tolls was £1,421. Money had been spent by it .................

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2  The twelve Trusts in Carmarthenshire were Main Trust (along the Vale of Towy), Whitland, Kidwelly, Carmarthen-Newcastle, Three Commotts (including Rhynnws Bridge), LlandoveryLlangadog, Llandovery-Lampeter, Towy Suspension Bridge, Carmarthen-Lampeter, LlandiloLlandebie. and Brechfa.

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............. on repairing roads rather than on paying interest. It had 21 gates including side bars. The charge for a broad-wheeled cart was 4d., and for a narrow-wheeled cart 6d. Corn and hay were free of toll, except for the tithes. No charge was made for manure, although the Act permitted that, if the distance was more than two miles. Potatoes had to pay toll. Although most of the gates of this Trust had been pulled down, " the farmers wished to have them re-erected. They saw the folly in pulling the gates down and letting strangers to be passed toll-free ; they supported the gates now." The Llandovery-Lampeter Trust, Llandovery-Llangadog Trust, and the Towy Suspension Bridge Trust had altogether 13 gates and side bars. The toll was 3 1/2d. a horse for coal and lime, and 6d. for a horse drawing in other cases. These three Trusts had between them an annual toll income of £864. There was a total debt of £5,530. The Towy Suspension Bridge, which was built in 1833, was in lieu of a wooden foot-bridge. Although that earlier foot-bridge had been maintained at much expense (owing to floods) by the County, nothing had been contributed, except a loan, by the County to the Trust. This was the only instance known to the Commissioners of Inquiry in which Parliament " had assisted a County to relieve itself altogether of its liability to maintain an ancient and established bridge." Lime formed the principle traffic of the Llandovery -Llangadog road, much use was made of the Lime Works on the Black Mountain. The farmers " thought at first that Rebecca would repair the roads for them, but now they see the contrary." The Kidwelly Trust had an annual toll income of £2,605. Previous to 1836, all carriages passing between Llanelly and Swansea had to go around by Pontardulais, a distance of 15 miles. But the Kidwelly Trust had built the Loughor Bridge at a cost of £10,000 to shorten that distance. The County had paid nothing towards that undertaking. The Brechfa Trust, which was established in 1809 had only 3 gates and 2 side bars and an annual toll income of £46. Its debt amounted to £2,574.  In the Whitland Trust the tolls were 1 1/2d. for a horse (not drawing), 6d. (spring carriage), 6d. every horse drawing a carriage, and 1 1/2d. for every horse drawing a small normal cart. The Llandilo and Llandebie Trust, which had 5 gates, had a mortgage debt of £4,175 and an arrear of interest £537.

The general impression gained is that the tolls themselves, though perhaps vexatious, were not exorbitant. Lime, which was perhaps the most important commodity for Carmarthenshire farmers, was usually charged half rate. The tolls were let out for auction annually. At the time of the Rebecca Riots, many of them were ................

.................. held by Thomas Bullin of Swansea. In his view the tolls were no higher or more frequent in Carmarthenshire than they were in England, and they were not so high as those between Swansea and London. " The Trusts in Carmarthenshire," he added, " interfere with each other more than in any other part of the Kingdom that I have ever been acquainted with." He gave credit to farmers. The amount of toll to be taken at each gate was limited by Statute.

A succession of wet seasons and unproductive harvests had, however, much reduced the capital of farmers. The price of cattle, butter, etc., had fallen well below the average. This probably caused the farmers to feel. sensitive about payments which in normal circumstances might have been accepted as a matter of course. Some of the Trusts, for example Whitland, Brechfa and Llandilo-Llandybie had been indifferently managed, but most of them had been alive to their public responsibilities, although, as the Commissioners pointed out, certain irregularities had been tolerated. Their financial position shows clearly that they had not been unduly concerned about the interests of the tally holders. Several had, in fact, got into difficulties by undertaking projects which were beyond their resources.

There was no legal limit, however, to the number of the gates or bars which could be set up, and it was probably in this factor that there was a legitimate source of grievance on the part of the farmers. There had been an increase in the total toll income in most parts of the County during the decade preceding the Riots. It was also customary in Carmarthenshire, possibly owing to the hilly nature of much of the country, for two or three horses to be used in drawing a small narrow-wheeled cart, and this meant an increase in the total amount paid as toll. The Deputy-Lieutenant of the County, Colonel George Rice Trevor, pointed out that there were scarcely any stagecoaches on the Carmarthenshire roads, except during the Summer months. He also felt that some consolidation of the Trusts was needed to prevent unnecessary overlapping, especially as regards the Three Commotts, Kidwelly and Llandybie-Llandilo Trusts. Carmarthenshire had well over one hundred gates, and that was far more than the number in some of the neighbouring counties.

Some parts of the County were more unfortunate than others in respect of tolls. Five different Trusts led into the town of Carmarthen and " anyone passing through the town in a particular direction would have to pay at three turn-pike gates within a distance of three miles." The Rev. Herbert Williams, curate of Llanarthney, complained that his parish of about 11,000 acres, had three turn-pike gates. Some years previously, Llanarthney had been obliged to give..........

............. one-third Statute labour upon the turn-pike roads. One Llanarthney farmer who had a 100-acre farm stated that he could not go anywhere without paying a toll. Going to market or getting lime cost him about fifty shillings a year in tolls. The curate said he remembered the parish toll-gates bringing in an annual income of about £500, but that income was now £1,500. The toll had been raised from 2 1/2d. to 6d. Another Llanarthney farmer suggested that if the local gates had been let to farmers for 4d. " every gate would have been standing now." Another said that more was paid by him for tolls than for lime. The price of lime was 2 /6 - 3 /- according to the size of the cart ; tolls would be from 5/- - 6/- in travelling 8 miles. According to another Llanarthney farmer about 37 cartloads of lime were used annually on his farm. Yet although it is clear that Llanarthney felt that the tolls at their present rate were a burden, some of the local witnesses pointed out that it " would ruin our parishes, which were near the lime kilns, if the gates were knocked down. If they destroyed all the gates in our parish, our parish would be £300 a year the worse for the maintenance of the roads." Edward Jones, the Clerk of the Peace for the County, emphasised that it would be " cruel if the parishes of the County took over the turn-pikes.

The total amount of toll money collected annually in the County was round about £10,500, and this sum included tolls paid by farmers from other counties as well.

In 1841 Carmarthenshire had a population of approximately 106,000. The total rental value of the County in 1840 was £324,100. Quite apart from the advantages which accrued from having better roads (for example, the use of fewer horses for drawing carts) it is difficult to regard the turn-pike tolls as a major item in the total cost of farming. The sum of £10,500 must, however, be related to the financial position of the County at the time. The total County rate amounted to only £4,070, the product of a 3d. rate. The new system of Rural Police was estimated to cost an additional £4,700 for the year, i.e. to double the total County rate. As the County rate was paid by other sections of the community besides the farmers, the turn-pike toll money did appear a substantial item to the farmers in 1843. Local Government, as the term is now understood, had barely started in Carmarthenshire in the year 1843, and the community had not become accustomed to paying substantial rates for Local Government purposes. Although the County had many bridges it had no Bridge Committee. There was an order that no sum beyond £40 could be laid out on a bridge without a special order of the Court at Quarter Sessions. A bridge might be prepared...........

............ immediately on getting the consent of the neighbouring Magistrates, provided the sum did not exceed £20. The Justices of the County had only just appointed a Committee to superintend the finances of the County, which was usually in debt to the Clerk of the Peace. Money was not plentiful and widely spread in the Carmarthenshire of 100 years ago, and the antipathy of the Rebecca Rioters to the Tolls is partly explained by that fact.

The recent changes in the administration of the Poor Law was another cause of the Rebecca trouble. According to the Poor Law Act of 1834 the Poor were to be housed in workhouses. One of the most spectacular, and possibly one of the most significant, episodes of the Movement was " Beca's " attack on Carmarthen Workhouse. There was much complaint about the increase in the Poor rate and particularly about the high salaries paid to Poor Law officials. Although much of this was ill-founded it was nevertheless very strongly held by the followers of Beca who thought that a high proportion of that Rate went to pay the salaries of Poor Law officials. The Parochial Assessment Act which was passed soon after the new Poor Law Act directed that a valuation should be made on which the Poor Rate would be based. A committee of Magistrates went round the County, and the valuation could be regarded as reasonably accurate. This new system called for a payment of money whereas under the " lax and irregular " system which formerly prevailed in the rural districts of the County, the Poor Rate had frequently been paid in grain. Under the old system a person could claim outdoor relief from the parish if his wages were not sufficient to support his family, but such a family would now normally have to go to the workhouse. There was much objection to paying a Poor Rate in regard to persons from whom no quota of work was given in return. The farmers disliked " seeing the relieving officers coming about the country with staves in their hands, great gentlemen ... " Under the old arrangement a father had been called upon to support the mother of his illegitimate child but under the new arrangements the mother, if unable to keep herself, might be required to go to the House. The Poor Law Act had abolished the power of imprisoning the father in the last resort and it required the mother to corroborate her allegation of paternity by other evidence than her own. This, it was asserted, led to an increase in bastardy and even to infanticide. Under the old practice nine out of ten of such parents in the County had subsequently married but under the new Law thirteen out of fifteen did not do so. At the previous Spring Assizes of the County a woman indicted for the murder of two illegitimate children was ............

................ acquitted by the jury, one of whom afterwards said, " How could we do otherwise when the new Poor Law acts so hardly against the poor woman." The people had such a horror of the Workhouse " that they would almost starve in our country rather than go in. They were obliged to get rid of their cow and their little garden." According to one important witness, the Poor Law had " created more dissatisfaction and disaffection in this country than any other Law that had been enacted for this century." As things were " much cheaper in this country " it was felt that the medical men at the Workhouse " did not require the salaries they would give in English counties." Colonel Rice Trevor said he would prefer to see the money go to the poor rather than go as salaries for the officials.

The New Poor Law Act, however, had been passed to remove some of the abuses which had been fairly common under the old system. According to one important witness there had been a material financial saving in the Town districts but there had been an increase in the expense in rural districts. In the County as a whole, there had been a slight financial saving. The salaries of the officials did not take up anything like the high proportion of the Poor Rate as the followers of Beca imagined. The highest relieving officer at Carmarthen got only £60 a year and the highest salary for a medical officer was £80. These salaries may have appeared somewhat high at a time when the wages of the labouring classes ranged from, say, 9d. a day for farm labourers to 3/- a day or less for miners. On the other hand, the Poor Law Authorities felt it necessary to employ efficient medical officers whereas it was still the practice for the people of many rural areas in Carmarthenshire to rely on uneducated village practitioners.

The farmers also complained of the payment of tithe. By the Commutation Act of 1836 a money payment for tithe was paid compulsory. There was a strong feeling among the followers of " Beca " that this change had brought gain to the tithe owners and that the average price of corn in Wales and not the combined average for England and Wales should have been taken as the basis for the payment of tithe. As the work of collecting tithes in kind in some of the thinly populated parts of Carmarthenshire had necessarily been a relatively expensive task, a money payment had doubtless proved beneficial to some tithe owners. The detailed figures given at the Inquiry on this somewhat technical problem show clearly that the charge then fixed upon the land, taken generally, was not excessive in amount as regards the value of the tithe. Much voluntary commutation had already taken place. As the position of the farmers..........

................ had deteriorated since the passing of the Commutation Act, the payment of tithe tended to be felt more heavily. The Vicar of Llandilo had, for instance, accepted a reduced tithe payment because of the depression.

The followers of " Beca " complained also about the magistrates of the County and in some instances urged the need for a paid magistracy. According to the correspondent of The Times, the Carmarthenshire magistrates " look upon the people as if they were beasts and not human beings . . . ; with a paid magistracy I am convinced Rebecca would not have been heard of in South Wales." The same correspondent also quoted a statement by Sir James Williams (Edwinsford) at the Quarter Sessions that peace would not be restored to the County until stipendiary magistrates were appointed. Though The Times reports were interesting and in some respects valuable, they were no more than the impressions of a distinguished stranger who was not conversant with the Welsh language and who had no intimate knowledge of Carmarthenshire. It is known, however, that in 1837 Lord Cawdor had interfered to such a degree in a Carmarthenshire election to support his candidates that the matter was brought to the notice of the House of Commons as a breach of privilege on the part of a peer.

There were fourteen Petty Sessional divisions in Carmarthenshire and according to the Commissioners' Report there was not an adequate number of " resident justices required by law to justify the formation of separate divisions." Moreover, the Clerk in some of the divisions was a person of scarcely any education and quite incapable of explaining the law to others and performing the responsible ministerial duties which attach to his office; whereas by reason of the imperfect knowledge of the Welsh language commonly possessed by the magistrates, it would seem especially necessary that the Clerk should be competent to explain a way out, as far as may be, in misconceptions . . . Yet in more than one division in Carmarthenshire, the sessions appeared to be held chiefly with a view to the convenience of the justices themselves who have not therefore any great right to complain if other even reprehensible motives be assigned to them . . . In the last three years for instance at Llandilo, one of the most populous towns in Carmarthenshire, petty or special sessions were adjourned not less than thirty times for want of a sufficient attendance of justices. This is severe criticism, especially when it is remembered that the magistrates at that time constituted the backbone of local administration and that Carmarthenshire magistrates usually showed a deep interest in the general welfare of the County. This difficulty.........

..................... of getting a quorum of justices meant extra expense of time and money to the litigants concerned. One witness at the Inquiry asserted that " if such practice took place in England as takes place in the County Courts here, the attorneys would be struck off the rolls." It is not quite clear what this witness had in mind. It could hardly have been the matter of fees for those were in accordance with the tables of legal fees fixed by an Act of Parliament (1818).

Finally, how far were the Rebecca Riots in Carmarthenshire a phase of a wider democratic movement ?

The evidence at the Inquiry tends to support the view of The Times correspondent that " it is difficult to stuff the head of a Welsh farmer, who speaks and reads only Welsh, with the political crotchets of Chartism . . . All he knows and grumbles at, is that he cannot live and pay the sum he is rented at." What was probably the only reference made at the Inquiry to external influences was that of Colonel Trevor who referred to Merthyr and Chartist emissaries. Mass meetings, where speeches were made on general political questions, were held in various places, such as Cwmifor, Llanfynydd and Mynydd Mawr. The political aspect certainly received much attention in the periodicals Seren Gomer, Diwygiwr and Yr Haul, all of which were, at that time, published in Carmarthenshire. Despite the allegations made by The Times correspondent and Brutus (who edited Yr Haul), no support to violence was given in the Diwygiwr and Seren Gomer. The Rebecca movement lost much support from " moderate " opinion in Carmarthenshire after the attack on Carmarthen Workhouse which, according to Seren Gomer, was worse than anything that town " had seen since the time of Oliver Cromwell." It was difficult to get the people to enrol as special constables to guard the gates. Most of the grievances of " Beca " concerned the farmers directly and only indirectly the farm labourers. As most of the farms in Carmarthenshire were small, there was not as much differentation between farmers and labourers as there was in many English counties. The attacks which were made on the property of some of the landed gentry were not primarily outbursts of the " proletariat " against the capitalists, but they were actions designed against particular individuals. Some of the hayricks of Colonel Rice Trevor and Williams Chambers (Llanelly) were burnt because the former had expressed his readiness to use the military, if necessary, and the latter had led the military against the rioters at Pontardulais. Those landowners, who had reduced the rents on their estates, were singled out for praise by the followers of " Beca." In the main, the Rebecca movement in Carmarthenshire was an outbreak of men who............

............were disturbed by practical everyday difficulties and not a movement of political idealists. As is usual, in such cases, the movement got somewhat out of hand and was supported by some who, from the standpoint of the movement, were undesirable elements.

Carmarthenshire was experiencing a difficult period of transition and depression just before 1843 and the Rebecca movement, within its borders, was a result of the many difficulties which faced the County about that time.

This article has been extracted by Gareth Hicks (July 2004) with the permission of the Carmarthenshire Antiquarian Society from original material provided by Deric John.

  The History of the Agricultural Cooperative Movement in Carmarthenshire

By H Jones-Davies C.B.E., J.P.

It is one of the functions of an archaeological society not only to create an interest in the past but also to preserve existing knowledge for the benefit of the future. With this object in view I should like to recall from my own memory the beginnings of agricultural cooperation in Carmarthenshire.

Early in 1902 I had commenced a series of articles in the Carmarthen Weekly Reporter on the Land Question, under the nom de plume of "Jeremiah Jenkins," when the Editor informed me that he had received a communication from Mr. Augustus Brigstocke, purporting to have conceived a scheme by which both landlord and tenant might work harmoniously to their mutual benefit. We agreed that he should unfold his plan.

Augustus was the son of W. A. Brigstocke of Blaenpant, Cardigan, the first chairman of the Carmarthenshire County Council. The Brigstocke family owned considerable property in the parish of Llandefeilog, and were regarded as benevolent landlords. The son also took an interest in local government and was an alderman of the county council. He was the pioneer of the Agricultural Cooperative Movement in Wales, and often referred to as the Plunkett of Wales. Mr. Brigstocke was much impressed by the accomplishments of Sir Horace Plunkett in so short a time in Ireland, and the success whereby he had allied the various warring elements in that hapless and factious country. It was realised that the size of the holdings, the climate and temperament of the people bore much in common with his countrymen. He was a great enthusiast in whatever he took in hand --- at times almost exceeding discretion --- and thus inspired started to work by forming small societies, having as supply bases the coastal villages of Cardigan Bay and importing cargoes of superphosphate by coasters. This project failed and fizzled out, with Brigstocke mulcted in a substantial loss. Having unbounded faith in the principles of cooperation properly applied, he tried again by founding a society at Cardigan, embracing these small societies. It straightway prospered, with sufficient turnover to pay an efficient staff. Flushed with this success Brigstocke approached the County Councils of Carmarthen, Cardigan and Pembroke, to send a delegation to study the working of the Agricultural Cooperative Movement in Ireland, The three counties consented and appointed their delegates. The landlords from this county were as follows: J. W. Gwynne Hughes, Tregeyb, afterwards: Lord Lieutenant of the County; Dr. Howell Rees, Garnant, Chairman of the Technical Instruction Committee; Col. Lewes, Llysnewydd, Henllan. Farmers: John Lloyd, Penybank, Abergwili; H. J. Thomas, Penrhos, Llanfynydd ; H. Jones-Davies, Glyneiddan, Nantgaredig; Ben Evans, Brithdir, Gwernogle; J. Lloyd Thomas, Tanlan, Ferryside; John Scourfield, Blaenwernddu, Whitland. The latter were paid £10 each to cover the expenses of the tour. The consent of the Local Government Board had to be obtained for this, and was sanctioned with the aid of the local members of Parliament. A souvenir of the tour was drafted by Mr. J. Nugent Harris, secretary of the Agricultural Organisation Society (A.O.S.).

On Monday, the 4th of August, 1902, the three counties' delegation --- twenty-four in number --- assembled at New Milford and embarked that evening, bound for Waterford. On landing we received telegrams of " caed mille faith " from the Irish societies which were reciprocated with " hawddamor." On the fifth Carrigeen Cooperative Creamery, the Iverk Agricultural Society and the Gaultier Cooperative Dairy Society were inspected, with their members and officials interrogated. Mr. J. F. Boyle, the secretary o(f ?) Waterford County Committee, was interviewed at the Court House with reference to the working of the Live Stock Scheme, which has since done so much to improve Irish Live Stock. The following day was spent at the Cork Exhibition inspecting the exhibits of the Irish Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction (D.A.T.I.) --- Plunkett's creation --- and the Irish Agricultural Organisation's (I.A.O.S.) exhibits. We were joined at Cork by Mr. J. Nugent Harris, to whom the delegation was so much indebted for the excellent arrangements made, contributing largely to its success. Early the following morning we left Cork for Limerick Junction and inspected the well-known Solohead Creamery and met Mr. P. P. Molony, one of the most prominent men in the Irish movement. Solohead Creamery has won many prizes at the London Dairy Show. We moved on to the Irish Cooperative Agency at Limerick, and also Gibson's Blending and Shaw's bacon factories. Our next destination was Tuam for the night; en route we had a very happy and pleasant surprise at Ennis, being entertained to tea and presented with an address in glowing terms of our racial affinities by the Urban Council. We proceeded to Castlebar to study the working of the Credit Banks in wild and barren Connemara, then to Athlone, to the Cooperative Poultry Federation. On the morrow some of the party, after a strenuous time, travelled direct to Dublin, while others went to Enniscorthy to inspect the Society, where we met Capt. Loftus Bryan, a real live-wire. Sunday morning (tell it not in Gath !) was spent at the Glasnevin Model Farm. In the evening most of the company attended Divine Service at the Welsh Presbyterian Chapel, Talbot Street. Monday, Sir Horace Plunkett; T. P. Gill, Secretary of the Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction; R. A. Anderson, Secretary of the I.A.O.S., and Father Mechan, M.A., of Dromohair, Co Leitrim, were entertained at luncheon by the delegates. The officers of the I.A.O. S. and the Irish Agricultural Wholesale Society (I .A. W. S.) were visited and this ended the tour. Little did we think at the time that it was the forerunner of such huge developments and benefits to Welsh farmers. Some years later I had the privilege as Development Commissioner of representing the Treasury on the Committee of the I.A.O.S., and thus came in personal touch with the foremost members of the movement, men whom I regard as sincere friends, with affection and admiration of their sterling worth and character.

On returning home the delegates immediately got down to work, and after a few meetings drafted their report, comprising eleven recommendations as a basis towards more vigorous and progressive farming. It is pleasing that by to-day they have all been implemented, except the one all-important Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction for Wales, which it is to be hoped will also materialise in the plan of post-war reconstruction. The issue of the report gave the real hwb to the movement; other delegations from Wales toured Ireland for the same purpose. Thousands of copies were printed in English and Welsh and distributed through the parish councils, some even in Sunday Schools ! It was translated into the vernacular by the late Sir D. Lleufor Thomas, Ll.D., a pioneer of cooperation and every other movement for the betterment of the countryside. Incidentally, the report emphasised:

1. " Whether or not there may exist a difference of opinion respecting the adaptability of cooperative creameries for the Welsh Counties."

2. " The advantages attending the establishment of agricultural societies cannot fail to strike the most re-actionary farmer."

3. " The delegates cannot too strongly urge the importance of establishing agricultural societies in the Welsh counties upon the line here laid down."

Subsequently, a conference was held at Aberystwyth under the auspices of the University College of Wales to promote agricultural cooperation, addressed by the Rt. Hon. R. W. Hanbury, M. P., President of the Board of Agriculture, and P. J. Hannon, Assistant Secretary, I.A.O.S., now Sir Patrick Hannon, M.P. Public meetings of farmers were held at Carmarthen, the speakers being, Messrs. R. A. Yerburgh, M.P., President of the A.D.S.; T. A. Brassey, M.P.; J. Nugent Harris, Secretary of the A.D.S.; Sir D. Lleufer Thomas, etc.

By 1905 the heather was ablaze, with societies subsequently formed at Clynderwen, Llangadock, Pumpsaint, Whitland, Llanelly, Ammanford, Llanybyther, Llandovery and Pontardulais. Newcastle Emlyn and Llandyssul were earlier societies set up by Brigstocke in 1902.

Education --- the forerunner of every intelligent movement --- played a conspicuous part. By the Technical Instruction Act of 1889 the Treasury released money for the teaching of technical subjects and agricultural science. A committee was appointed by the County Council for the purpose. Besides the peripatetic dairy schools operating in the seven counties affiliated to the University College of Wales, Aberystwyth, in this county alone thirty-six scholarships were for many years awarded annually to young men and women, intending to follow the pursuits of agriculture, to attend courses of instruction at the College. They were eagerly applied for, and the six weeks course in dairying, though short, proved of inestimable value to them, subsequently in their homes, and to others as a prelude to more advanced training. The tuition, practice and social contact with other students broadened their outlook and awakened interest and ambition to cultivate a new and better industry.

The seed sown fell on good ground previously lain fallow, and yielded a rich harvest for the cooperative societies; young farmers enthusiastically joined the movement and became its most ardent supporters. Messrs. T. H. Middleton, now Sir Thomas Middleton, who afterwards became Secretary to the Ministry of Agriculture, Vice-Chairman of the Development Commission, and Chairman of the Agricultural Research Council, and D. D. Williams, were on the Staff of the agricultural department. Mr. Williams is with us as a member of the W.A.O.S. Executive Committee and takes an active part in the movement. This narrative would not be complete without reference to Walter Williams of Bronygaer, Llansadwrn, Welsh Organiser of the A.O.S., and Hopkins Jones, Danyrallt, Llanarthney, Agricultural Organiser for Flint and. Denbigh; both received their training at Aberystwyth and did much spade work in the early days.

Appended is a list of the societies established in the county with a few notes on their various lines of business :

CARMARTHEN FARMERS COOPERATIVE SOCIETY was established in 1903 and opened in the ramshackle stores at Danybank, Carmarthen. Its first secretary was H. Jones-Davies, Glyneiddan, and John Lloyd, Penybank, chairman. The turnover at the end of 1904, i.e. after fifteen months trading was £5,910 19s. 0d., having a nett profit of £116 5s. 5d., with a membership of 251, ample evidence of confidence in the new venture. According to the last year of trading, the 3lst of December, 1941, the sales reached £305,822 10s. 6d., nett profits £16,712 13s. 4d., and a membership of 4,150. The main buildings, enlarged and renovated, are at the Quay and Parade Stores, with branch depots at St. Clears, Llandilo, Llandilo Bridge, Kidwelly, Nantgaredig, Llanpumpsaint, Cwmmawr and Whitland. The details of the career of the Society are recorded in the " Souvenir of its Coming-of-age, 1903-1924," and the " History of the Carmarthen Farmers Cooperative Society, 1924--1941."

CLYNDERWEN AND DISTRICT FARMERS' ASSOCIATION, founded in 1905, secretary, Benjamin John, Plasybedw; J. M. Evans, Bletherston, chairman. Like most societies it commenced in a small way, but the rapid increase demanded repeated extensions of the premises. Branch depots have been set up at Letterston, Clarbeston Road and Narberth. This Society has always been in the van of progress, having a productive as well as a distributive side, ac felly yn cyrchu at y nôd. In 1907 they established a butter collecting depot, the cream churned at the farms, the butter brought into the factory, and blended at the rate of five tons per week, packed in one cwt. barrels and 1-lb. pats, under the trade mark of " Celtic Cross Brand, Pure Welsh Butter," which had a wide reputation in South Wales and the Colne Valley. In 1930 there was a change-over to the creamery system as practised in Cornwall, the cream being separated at the farm and churned at the central creamery under modern conditions. This method was adopted after a visit of inspection to Helston and other places; the result was so satisfactory that the demand proved more than the supply. An egg-collecting depot was opened on the 25th of August, 1929, under the National Mark Scheme, receiving a State grant of £250 a year, which served as a demonstration centre for Wales, and training for candlers in West Wales. The eggs are graded for quality and weight, and the producer paid by results. This policy has fully justified itself by higher prices and increasing supplies. 4,000,000 eggs are handled per year. The credit system was formerly in vogue in this district, the custom being for the fertilisers purchased in the spring to be paid for after the corn had been thrashed and sold. The advent of cooperative trading superseded this practice; it has introduced prompt payments and more business-like methods. The Society was founded through the initiative of Benjamin John, a lovable personality and a true cooperator. It is a fitting memorial to his progressive ideals. The membership on 31st December, 1941, was 1,346, of whom 200 are in Carmarthenshire, and the turnover was £100,930 12s. 6d.

PUMPSAINT AND DISTRICT AGRICULTURAL CO-OPERATIVE SOCIETY, known as the P. & D., was formed in 1908, with a membership of eight. The first secretary was Ivor Evans, Tanlan, Llansawel, and Isaac Williams, Llandre, chairman. Upon Ivor Evans leaving the district in 1909, Isaac Williams was appointed secretary, and has acted as such up to the present time. He has been a tower of strength to the cause, a man of few words, far-seeing and sound judgement. The Society commenced business around the village of Pumpsaint, by renting small sheds convenient for dumping down supplies to early co-operators in the area. These were contributed for and adapted for use at the cost of those from whom the supplies were drawn, the ownership of which is still partly shared by the Society and the contributors. Before many years had elapsed a branch was opened near Llanwrda Station, and carried on its business by hiring farmers and hauliers to transport goods to a distance of eight to 14 miles, covering the areas around Pumpsaint, Farmers, Crugybar and Cwrtycadno, the localities that gave it birth, in the hinterlands of north-east Carmarthenshire. Years rolled on, management changed, and by the end of the last war the Society found itself with considerably increased activities. A forward step was taken by opening a depot at Lampeter, a number of its members hailing from the upper part of Llanycrwys, who naturally drifted to that town on business. To start with a coal business at the station yard was acquired in the year 1919, for which £1,000 was paid. This was one of the boldest steps taken hitherto. During subsequent years the Society evinced considerable initiative and daring, despite being founded in a remote and hilly locality inhabited by small farmers and cottagers. It struck out and attracted sundry customers and finally opened grocery shops and stores at Pumpsaint and Llansawel; and later, grocery, boots and shoes, and ironmongery at Lampeter, adding to this establishment in 1932 a National Mark egg grading station; thus taking the initial step on the productive side. It further organized an intensive propaganda to secure a Milk Factory at Lampeter, but the powers that be decided against, and placed the factory at Pont Llanio, which was considered a far inferior locus. The Society may well be proud of its record, having succeeded by dint of very hard work and faith in the cause of co-operation, to become the second largest society in Wales. Such an achievement has been reached by continuous and intensive cultivation of the cooperative spirit, and a desire to keep abreast of the times to provide for the alternating needs of its members. At the end of thirty-four years activities it caters for a wide and expansive area, ranging from the Black Mountains to the Cardiganshire coast, For transport there exists a fleet of 30 lorries and vans. It undertakes the haulage of 4,000 gallons of milk daily. The membership at the end of 1941 was 1,363, of whom 978 reside in Carmarthenshire, and the sales £132,474 15s. Od.

EMLYN AGRICULTURAL CO-OPERATIVE SOCIETY formed in 1902, was one of Augustus Brigstocke's earlier societies. The first secretary was E. Rees, Pencelly, This Society is mainly distributive, but of late years has been dealing in members' stocks of potatoes. There is a branch store at Henllan. Membership, 3lst December, 1941, was 809, distributed as follows: ---Carmarthenshire, 359; Cardiganshire, 400; and Pembrokeshire, 50. The turnover was £50,078.

LLANDYSSUL AGRICULTURAL COOPERATIVE SOCIETY. Founded in 1902 by Augustus Brigstocke. The first secretary and manager was G. Owens, and the chairman D. Thomas, Cwmhyar. In 1926 a new addition was made to the old stores, when drapery, grocery and ironmongery were added to the business. In 1931 the C.W.S. discontinued taking butter from the Society, consequently in conjunction with the Emlyn and Llanybyther Societies the W.A.O.S. was approached for assistance, the outcome being the erection of Tivyside Creameries Ltd. at Capeldewi with the three societies mentioned taking shares. In 1933 they started selling coal. Up to the year 1934 most of the haulage was done by horse and cart and lorry when available, which did not meet with the demands of the day so a lorry was purchased which gives more satisfaction and increased mobility in transport. During this year the Society was appointed buyers under the Pigs Scheme, when about 500 pigs were despatched during the year. There is a branch store at Pencader which has become too small; it is proposed, as soon as hostilities are over, to provide more accommodation. Membership December 31st, 1941, 674; Carmarthenshire, 360, and Cardiganshire 314. Turnover £27,912.

LLANYBYTHER AGRICULTURAL COOPERATIVE SOCIETY. Established in 1903 with nine members. The first secretary David Evans, Dolau-uchaf, chairman D. H. James, Baileybedw. It deals in domestic as well as agricultural commodities. Membership 31st December, 1941, 391. Carmarthenshire, 210, and Cardiganshire 181; the turnover £l6,985.

LLANDOVERY AND DISTRICT AGRICULTURAL CO-OPERATIVE SOCIETY. Commenced trading in 1909 with 91 members. James Peters, Penlan, secretary, and Rev. D. Davies, Cilycwm, chairman. The number of members on 31st December, 1914, 282. Carmarthenshire, 278, and 4 in Breconshire. Turnover, £14,546.

LLANELLY AND DISTRICT FARMERS SOCIETY. The first meeting was held in October, 1908, D. L. Bowen secretary and Thomas Jones, Stepney Estate Agent, chairman. Started trading the November following. Branch stores have been opened at Hendy, 1912; Felinfoel, 1922, and at Pontyates and Burry Port, 1924. In 1923 new buildings were erected at Llanelly. The number of members on 31st December, 1941, 714. Carmarthenshire, 574; Glamorgan, 140; the turnover £49,228. Alderman Thomas Thomas, J.P., Caeffair, has been chairman of the Society since its inception, save for a short period. Mr. Thomas is a prominent figure in agricultural circles, to whom Cooperation owes a debt of gratitude for his guidance and leadership.

FARMERS LIMITED, AMMANFORD. Commenced trading in 1917. Secretary, G. V. Davies, Parcwern, and chairman, John Thomas, Ynysdawelog. There were 207 members at the end of 1941, 150 of whom live in the County of Carmarthen, with 57 in Glamorgan. Turnover, 1941, £9.099.

LLANGADOCK AND DISTRICT AGRICULTURAL COOPERATIVE SOCIETY. Commenced business In 1906, with Mr. H. Williams as secretary and still acting. His services to the Society have been of great value; the chairman was W. Griffiths, Dolbant. There are branch stores at Gwynfe, Llanddeusant and Glanyrafondu. The membership roll in 1941, 387; the turnover for that year £34,000.

PONTARDULAIS AND DISTRICT FARMERS ASSOCIATION was formed in 1915 with D. Roberts, Institute Street, as secretary, and Thomas Williams, Castelldu, as chairman. There are branch stores at Five Roads and Penllergaer. The number of members at the end of 1941 was 782. 500 being in Carmarthenshire and 282 in Glamorgan, with a turnover of £22,408.

KIDWELLY AGRICULTURAL MACHINERY SOCIETY formed in 1919, its first and present secretary and treasurer being T. Ll. Griffiths, Tanlan, to whom its formation and success are mainly due. The first chairman was R. B. Elliott, Portiscliff. They acquired a Marshall of Gainsborough 7-H.P. Tractor Engine and a 4-ft. Thrashing Machine with a self-feeder, and a Trusser costing £l,150, which was soon cleared off. Threshing is done for non-members as well, a great boon to small farmers who are in the majority. Membership in 1941, 17; and the turnover £200.

KIDWELLY AND DISTRICT FARMERS MART was established in 1921 with S. H. Anthony, Penlan, as secretary. to whose energy the success of the Society is largely due, and Dl. Beynon, Penybedd, chairman. The first mart was held on a plot leased to the Society and afterwards a new site was purchased for £350. The members enrolled at the end of 1941 were 350, and the turnover £697 13s. 10d.

MYRDDIN SEED GROWERS SOCIETY formed in 1942; secretary, Thos. Williams, Mount Pleasant, and chairman, T. H. David, Pentrehowell. Its activities at present are confined to the south-eastern portion of the county. It is proposed to grow pedigree corn and grass seeds to meet the increased demand that must occur after the war is over. It is further equally important that seeds of the best quality should be sown in order to improve our pastures both temporary and permanent, of which there was too large an area of moderate herbage. Similar societies are being formed in almost every county in Wales, with a federation so that overlapping and duplication may be avoided. The Carmarthen Farmers Society has agreed to act as selling agents, and is setting up the necessary cleaning plant at St. Clears depot. There are already 12 members enrolled.

There are 8,573 members of the several societies who reside in this county, some of whom are members of more than one society. In this figure is included a number of rural craftsmen with little or no land. According to the last published returns for the county there are 8,217 holdings of one acre and above, so it can safely be said that more than two-thirds of our farmers are members of a cooperative society, with a turnover for the past year that can hardly be short of £650,000. Such is the achievement of a movement introduced in 1902, amongst an independent and intensely individualistic class of people.

This article has been extracted by Gareth Hicks (July 2004) with the permission of the Carmarthenshire Antiquarian Society from original material provided by Deric John.

CARMARTHENSHIRE BAPTISTS.

(During recent years there has appeared a number of important and interesting books and pamphlets giving an outline of the history of some of the older Baptist churches in the county of Carmarthen.In this article an attempt will be made to review the history of the Baptist cause in the county as a whole in the light of these recent publications. A list of these publications is appended).

The oldest Baptist church in West Wales was formed in 1668 at Rushacre, near Narberth. This church about 1700 removed to Rhydwilym where it has remained for close on two and a half centuries to give its witness. Since 1660 it had been made illegal for those dissenting from the National Church to meet for public worship, and not a few dissenters had suffered fines and imprisonment in West Wales for ignoring the law, among them the founder of this church at Rushacre. His name was William Jones, who had been silenced for his nonconformity by the Act of Uniformity which came into force in the summer of 1662. He had to spend four years in Carmarthen Castle as a prisoner, for holding religious services without a bishop's licence, where he found other dissenters suffering the same fate from Carmarthen and district and even from Breconshire. The story is retold in the new volume :

" Rhamant Rhydwilym gan John Absalom a'r Parch. E. Llwyd Williams.Gwasg Gomer, Llandysul, 1939."  

There are two points in that story as told in this volume which link Rhydwilym with the two types of Baptists which prevailed during the Commonwealth period and which combined to form the new church. The first is the mention of Jenkin Jones, of Llanddety. An account of his activities is given by Spinther ( Hanes y Bedyddwyr, Vol. II., pp. 422-5). He apparently was for a time a prisoner in Carmarthen and he is given the credit of having convinced William Jones that the Baptist faith is the Apostolic faith. The fact remains that Jenkin Jones never agreed with John Myles on the question of strict communion, but continued with Vavasor Powell, John Tombes of Leominster and others to practice open communion. We have to seek elsewhere for the source of Rhydwilym's belief in strict communion, and a hint is given in the story of William Jones' visit to Thomas Watkins, at Hay, in 1667, to be baptized.

A paragraph from " The Transactions of Baptist Historical Society. Jan., 1919," will help here:

" There was a society of professed believers, meeting at Llanigon in the corner of Breconshire. This was ministered to by Walter Prosser and James Hughes. In the middle of February, 1649/50 Myles went to visit here and won both Elders to Baptist views; they in turn convinced a dozen others. Myles then appointed a meeting at Clifford, two miles down on the Wye, to discuss the question against Cradock, Powell and Jenkin Jones, who were all Paedobaptist, though ready to hold communion with all believers. As a result many at Llanigon were baptized and a second Baptist church was organised, known as the Hay."

The writer of above goes on to speak of Llanharan formed in 1650 as the third, of Carmarthen formed in 1651 as the fourth, of Gelligaer as the fifth and of Abergavenny as the sixth Baptist church. These formed an Association under the guidance of John Myles and were strict in their communion, at least for a few years ( vide Dr. Tom Richards' Trafodion, 1916-19). Thomas Watkins succeeded Walter Prosser at Hay and he had Olchon also under his care and he agreed with the views of John Myles. Thus we can safely infer that Thomas Watkins made up what was lacking in the Baptist faith of Jenkin Jones for William Jones.

Thomas Watkins from Hay and William Pritchard from Abergavenny, one of the strictest on the question of communion, came to Rushacre to lay hands on the newly baptized converts, and set Rhydwilym on the path of apostolic succession to John Myles, who however in New England had been converted into the more liberal views of Jenkin Jones ( Trafodion, 1928, p. 82).

The Rhydwilym church retains evidence of another influence than the Calvinistic at its inception in the Six Principles recorded on the inscribed stone. These characterize the ideals which the General Baptists have cherished since the days of Cromwell and in the U.S. America they emphasize them to-day. It would not be true to say that the Particular Baptists never used them, but after 1689 they emphasized particular salvation and the six principles became less prominent in their message.

Thus the above inscribed stone is witness to a pre-1689 tradition in Baptist circles.

A mention has been made of a Baptist church formed in Carmarthen in 1651 and some information is given about it in the    " History of Tabernacle, Carmarthen," compiled in 1937 as Rhaglen Cyrddau Blynyddol yr Undeb, under the editorship of the minister of Tabernacle.

The Editor overlooked a warning given by Joshua Thomas in Hanes y Bedyddwyr that the year then began on March 1st, and consequently the dates of pages 6 and 7 should be respectively November, 1650; January, 1651; March, 1651; July, 1653; March, 1654, and August, 1654, and not two months ahead each.

Missioners from Ilston baptized numerous converts in Carmarthen in January, 1651, and these were formed into a separate church before March. This church prospered for a time, but we hear nothing of it after 1654 until 1660, when several of its members were in the Castle prison for dissent. It completely disappeared during the thirty years of trials for nonconformists before the Revolution of 1689. How the Baptists came back to Carmarthen is told in Rhaglen yr Undeb for 1920, and 1937, when the Undeb held its Annual Meetings at Penuel and Tabernacle respectively.

The mention of Ilston as the direct founder of Carmarthen Baptist church and the indirect founder of Rhydwilym leads to another interesting chapter in the history of the Baptists in South Wales. The parish minister of Ilston in 1648 was the puritan John Myles. Soldiers in the army of Parliament were in South Wales in 1648 and some of them were members of newly gathered Baptist (1644) church in the Glasshouse, London, and Dr. Whitley surmises that John Myles came to know of the Baptist faith from these. The story of how he and Proud, another puritan working in a neighbouring parish, went to London to be baptized at the Glasshouse, is well told by Mr. Rhys Phillips in Trafodion Cymdeithas Hanes y Bedyddwyr 1928.

John Myles returned in the autumn of 1649, and on October 1st, 1649, he formed a church of baptized believers who alone should partake of the Lord's supper, at Ilston. He used the Parish Church for this service until the early summer of 1660, when the Parish Church was denied him, and then he, for a couple of months, held meeting in an old disused Catholic chapel.

In " Hanes Bedyddwyr Felinfoel gan B. Humphreys, Llanelli, 1909," an attempt is made to free John Myles from the inconsistency of being a parish minister and the minister of a strict communion Baptists at the same time. Mr. Rhys Phillips has clearly shown that he was both. Perhaps he saw no inconsistency in his position. His age differed in these things from ours.

Details of the lineage and social position of John Morgan of Llannon, whose house had been licensed for religious gatherings in 1672, are given in Hanes Felinfoel, p. 21.

But confusion is introduced into the record of three other licences. We will reproduce the entries in the official record.

Sept. 30, 1672. Page 251. " Licence to Robt. Morgan, to be a Anab. Teacher at the house of Joshua Franch, of Llangennyth in Carms."

Page 260. The house of Joshua Franklin, of Llangennijth, Carmarthensh. Anab.

Page 260. The house of Edw. Williams of Llangennyth in Carmarthensh. Anab.

In the complete list of licences in the appendix to Frank Bate's Declaration of Indulgence, 1672 (Liverpool, 1908), the first entry above is wrongly copied, for Joshua is Joseph, but he is correctly given in the second entry, though called Indep. and placed in Glam. (pp. lviii. and lxxxiv.).

Prof. Lyon Turner, too, in Transaction of Congr. Hist. Soc., May, 1905, p. 110, placed Llangennyth in Glam., no doubt taking it to mean Llangennydd in Gower. But the spelling aimed at pronouncing Llangennech in English. We are sure of this, because Edward Williams is called in the list of Ilston's members " Edward William, of Llandilovach," which is about halfway from Llangennech to Pontarddulas.

There is no mention of Joshua Franklin among Ilston's members, but a Jenkin Ffrancklen of Ilston joined the church on May 8th, 1653. Some information about him is given by Mr. Rhys Phillips in Trafodion, 1928, p. 72. He was in Carmarthen as an army captain in 1649, but his home was in Gower.

There is a reference in the Minutes of Ilston in 1657 to a Bro. Franklin in Llangennech in whose house meetings were held in addition to those held in the Parish Church. It has been surmised that Bro. Franklin was Jenkin Franklin, without adequate evidence. Joshua Franklin of Llangennech might be related to Jenkin Franklin and may have been sympathetic with the Baptist cause without being a member. But how are we to explain the following statement in Hanes y Tabernacl, p. 7, and Trafodion, 1926, p. 16,

"yn y flwyddyn 1672 sicrhaodd (Robt. Morgan) drwydded i bregethu yn nhy Joshua Franklin yn Nghaerfyrddin" ?

The " Trafodion, 1926," refer us to Trafodion, 1816-19, p. 29, and on turning to that page we find that Dr. Tom Richards, says nothing of the kind, but that he used " Caerfyrddin" for the county, which was carelessly taken to refer to the town by Trafodion, 1926, and hastily copied in the History of Tabernacle.

With regard to the oldest Baptist churches in the county, Joshua Thomas is our chief source of information for the period ending 1792, and David Jones' Hanes y Bedyddwyr thence down to 1838. He is charged with a good many erroneous statements; notwithstanding, he is a valuable guide. For the century intervening a number of churches have had their history recorded in the handbooks published at Carmarthen and Llanelly in connection with the visit of the " Undeb." Every church within ten miles of Carmarthen had its story told in the 1920 Handbook, and there is a fuller story of Ffynnonhenri and of Felingwm told in special volumes. Likewise the English Baptist church at Carmarthen published a booklet giving its story in 1918. The churches of Llanelly and district had the same service done them in the two Handbooks of 1928 and 1941, when the " Undeb " visited the town, but Felinfoel and Llangennech have each a volume devoted to their history. Articles have appeared in Greal, 1916, giving the history of Llandilo Baptist church, in " Llawlyfr y Gymanfa," 1938, giving the story of Aberduar, and " Rhaglen y Gymanfa," 1939, doing the same for Cwmdu. The story of Graig, Newcastle Emlyn, appeared in S. W .D. News, July 3rd, 1922, and that of Cwmpedol, Caio, in S. W.D. News, April l0th, 1923. Llandyssul, Llandovery, and Whitland should persuade someone to safeguard their story. That of Cwmifor is in MS., and of Pontbrenaraeth in Seren Gomer Nov., 1942 and Jan., 1943. A full list of sources of information, so far known is appended

APPENDIX.

I

BAPTIST MEETING HOUSES LICENSED AT CARMARTHEN QUARTER
SESSIONS

July,     1776. Newcastle Emlyn  -  " Ty Mawr," Anne Thomas' house.

Jan. 11, 1797. Llangyndeirne  -  Tynybont. A house.

Oct. 5, 1796. Llandyfeilog  -  Rhydybont. A house.

Apr. 13, 1749. Kyfig  -  Bwlchygwynt. Mr. Richards' house.

Apr. 18, 1798. Llanarthney Village  -  Decimus Thomas' house.

July 11, 1798. Ferry Side  -  Jehova Salem. Meeting house.

Oct. 3, 1798. Llanarthney Parish  -  Bankyrefel. Meeting house.

Jan. 15, 1800. Cwmdu, Talley  -  Rhydyronen. A house.

Jan. 14, 1801. Llandovery  -  Room and stable, Littlehall.

July 16, 1806. Kilycwm, Cwmsarnddu.     Meeting house.

July 12, 1809. Llandybie  -  Soar, Llandyfan.     Meeting house

Oct. 4, 1809. Drefach, Henllan.

Oct. 3, 1810. Narberth.

Jan. 16, 1811. Llangyndeirne  -  Bethel Gen. Bapt.  Meeting house

July 17, 1811. Llangadoc  -  Capel Seion.   Meeting house

July 15, 1812. Cwmsarnddu.

Apr. 13, 1813. Llangynog  -  Ebenezer.      Meeting house

II

LIST OF BOOKS

(a)

Davies, W. Ll.  -  Defnyddiau Hanes y Bedyddwyr yng Nghymru. Aberystwyth, 1935,

George, Irene.  -  Llawysgrifau a Chofysgrifau'r Bedyddwyr yn Llyfrgell Genedlaethol Cymru. Seren Gomer. Gorff. a Medi, 1935.

Jones, David.  -  Hanes y Bedyddwyr yn neheubarth Cymru. Caerfyrddin, 1839.

Lloyd, John E. ed.  -  A history of Carmarthenshire, Vol. II., 1939 (Chapter iii. Nonconformity and Methodism).

Mardon, Benjamin.  -  A visit to the general Baptist Churches in South Wales. (In the General Baptist Advocate, Oct. and Nov., 1834).

Thomas, Joshua.  -  Hanes y Bedyddwyr. Carmarthen, 1778.

(b)

Aberduar.  -  Llawlyfr y Gymanfa, 1938.

Bethel, Cwmpedol.  -  South Wales Daily News, April 10th, 1923.

Carmarthen. Llawlyfr cyrddau blynyddol Undeb Bedyddwyr Cymru a Mynwy. Peniel, Caerfyrddin, Awst 23-26, 1920 (including " Hanes yr enwad yn y dref a'r cylch) ; Caerfyrddin, 1920. English Baptist Church: Jubilee Retrospect, 1918; Carmarthen, 1918. Undeb Bedyddwyr Cymru a Mynwy, Tabernacl, Caerfyrddin, 1937. Evans, T. J.: Fragrant Memories: the story of two ministries; Carmarthen, 1941.

Cwmdu.  -  Rhaglen y Gymanfa, 1940.

Felinfoel.  -  J. George: Eglwys y Bedyddwyr yn y Felinfoel, ger Llanelli; Ei hanes o'r dechreuad hyd y flwyddyn 1887; Llanelli, 1887. B. Humphreys: Cyfrol goffa dau can mlwyddiant, 1709-1909; Hanes Bedyddwyr Felinfoel; Llanelli, 1909.

Ffynnonhenri.  -  S. J. Jenkins: Hanes Eglwys y Bedyddwyr, Ffynnonhenri ; Caerfyrddin (1930).

Glanyfferi.  -  T. Edwards, " Iorwerth Goch ": Hanes y Bedyddwyr yn Salem, Glanyfferi, o'u dechreuad hyd 1890; Aberdar, 1891.

Llandilo.  -  Y Greal, June-July, 1916.

Llandyfan.  -  J. T. Jones: Hanes Bedyddwyr Llandyfan (In Trafodion Cymdeithas Hanes Bedyddwyr Cymru, 1932).

Llanegwad.  -   M. B. Owen: Hanes Sitim, Felingwm, Llanegwad: Caerfyrddin, 1932.

Llanelly.  -  Undeb Bedyddwyr Cymru a Mynwy, Seion, Llanelli, 1928 (giving the history of the Baptist churches in the town and district). Undeb Bedyddwyr Cymru a Mynwy, Moriah, Llanelli, 1941. Greenfield Baptist Church: Jubilee Souvenir, 1858-1908; Llanelly, 1909.

Llanfynydd.  -   Seren Cymru, 1931.

Llangennech.  -  J. B. Rees (Morleisfab) a J. J. Hughes (Peredur) : Hanes Eglwysi Salem, Llangennech, Llanelli, 1928.

Newcastle Emlyn, Graig.  -   South Wales Daily News, July 3rd, 1922.

Rhydwilym.  -  John Absalom and E. Llwyd Williams: Rhamant Rhydwilym, Llandysul, 1939.

This article has been extracted by Gareth Hicks (July 2004) with the permission of the Carmarthenshire Antiquarian Society from original material provided by Deric John.

REBECCASIUM - BIBLIOGRAPHY.

BY T. GWYN JONES, M.A.

MANUSCRIPTS.

1. Carmarthen County Museum.

A series of letters, 42 in number, written by the Hon. Col. George Rice Trevor (Lord Dynevor), Vice-Lieutenant of the County of Carmarthen. In most cases, they are addressed to William Chambers, Esquire, of Llanelly, at that period one of the leading men of his town. They have been laid down in chronological sequence, and bound in one volume. The first is dated 1 July, 1943, and the last 19 July, 1844.

The letters have been published with explanatory notes in the Carm. Antiq. Soc'y Trans. (See below).

2. Letters and papers loaned by Mr. Ll. Griffith, Kidwelly.

(a) Copy of an order made at a meeting of the Trustees of the Whitland Turnpike Trust on July 28th, 1842, signed by Nathl. Rowland, Wm. Richards, N. B. Swann, Rob. Morgan, Danl. P. Callen.

(b) Two letters written by William Evans, Haverfordwest, 30th Jan., 1843, and 19th Feb., 1843, to Thos. Thomas, Gwindy, Narberth, Surveyor to the Whitland Trust, asking for information concerning demolition of Toll House at St. Clears, etc.

(c) Return of Turnpike Gates and Toll Houses wholly or partly destroyed belonging to the Whitland Trust. See Appendix A.

(d) Order for repair of house at Trefaughan and erection of new gates at Roberston Wathen, 16th March, 1843, and paper giving items of expenditure.

(e) Copy of a letter written by Thos. Thomas, Surveyor to the Whitland Trust, giving information concerning re-erection of Trefaughan Gates, etc.

(f ) Two letters from R. P. Beynon, one of which is dated June 6th, 1843, to Thos. Thomas, Surveyor, to the Whitland Trust, instructing him to re-erect Pwlltrap gate.

(g) A letter written by Geo. James, Haverfordwest, 8th July, 1843, to Thos, Thomas, Surveyor, to the Whitland Trust, asking for information concerning nature of property destroyed, and copy of a letter dated 6th July, 1843, received from Edw. Jones, Clerk of the Peace of the County of Carmarthen, to whom the information is to be sent.

(h) A letter, dated Dec. 6th (year not given), written by George M. Richards, Secretary to Her Majesty's Commissioners of Enquiry, to Thos. Thomas, Surveyor to the Whitland Trust, asking for estimate of average annual cost per mile of keeping Trust road in repair.

 3. Transcripts by Alcwyn C. Evans (April 30th, 1810-Sept. 8th, 1843) loaned by his son-in-law, Mr. W. Waters, Llanstephan. The entries from Dec. 13th, 1842, onward are mainly on incidents in connection with the Rebecca movement. Most of the notes appear to have been taken from newspaper reports and articles in periodicals, and the name of the papers from which they have been taken is sometimes given, e.g. The Times, The Standard, etc. Pencil lines have been drawn through the pages describing Rebecca incidents, which may mean that these accounts were finally transcribed separately in another copy. Possibly that copy is the one in the National Library of Wales. On the inside; of the cover of this manuscript is written "Alcwyn C. Evans, Picton Terrace, Carmarthen, 1857."

4. Notes on " Rebecca Riots " written in a copy book containing 29 pages. The first entry is dated June 15th, 1839. Incidents at Efail Wen, St. Clears, Garreg, Trevychan, Llanddarog, Narberth, Kidwelly, Pen-y-clawdd, Pwll-trap, Bwlch-y-clawdd, Bwlch-y-domen, Llanfihangel Abercowin, Fishguard, and Water Street (Carmarthen), are described. Many pages have been exposed to dampness, and parts of the manuscript are difficult to read. The year 1906 is entered in pencil on the last page, which may be the year the copy was completed. The manuscript was loaned by Mr. W. Waters, Llanstephan.

5. National Library of Wales.

(a) A letter written by Edward Davies, Machynlleth, for publication in the Welsh Gazette, Jan. 24, 1901, to prove " the claim of Mr. Hugh Williams to the leadership of the Rebecca riot." 2114C.

(b) Miscellaneous correspondence including two " Rebecca " letters:

(1) Threatening the vicar of Penbryn for tithe exactions, June 16, 1843. (See facsimile Carm. Antiq. Soc'y Trans., Vol. XII, p. 58, and John E. Lloyd, A History of Carmarthenshire, Vol.- 11, facing p. 74).

(2) Threatening to burn the plantations of Charles Morgan, Havodneathin, Carmarthenshire, for an alleged breach of contract, Oct. 7, 1843. 3294E.

(c) Letters to [Sir] D. Lleufer Thomas containing information about Hugh Williams and his family from Richard Williams, Celynog, and the Reverend R. Morgans, St. Clears, March 3-11, 1896. 6244B.

(d) Transcripts by Alcwyn Caryni Evans (1827-1902), including accounts of " The Rising of the Welsh Rebecca-ites," 1839-44. Possibly a second copy of the transcript on loan in the Carmarthen County Museum (see above). 12368E.

(e) Miscellaneous letters including a " Rebecca " letter covering a cheque for £20 to James Hill of the Held, Herefordshire, as an expression of the recognition by " Rebecca " and her daughters of the assistance which he had rendered to the cause, May 20, 1847. 14005C.

(f) The Dillwyn Diaries : Lewis Weston Dillwyn's entries for Sept 6 and 7. 1843, relating to his sons' encounter with the rioters at Pontardulais gate, On deposit.

(g) The Aberglasney Documents: A scrap-book containing a " Rebecca '' letter commanding George Jones, Llanegwad, to " clear out the old sticks from the pound that have been carried there from Penygarn Gate," July 14, 1843. On deposit.

(h) The William Chambers, junior, Documents. (See A File of " Rebecca " Papers, pp. -). N.L.W. MS. 14590E.

CONTEMPORARY LITERATURE, PERIODICALS, NEWSPAPER
REPORTS, ETC.

Y Diwygiwr, 1843, pp. 63-4, 223-6, 257, 288-290, 323, 348-9, 379, 382; 1844, pp. 31-3, 257.
An account is given under political notes entitled " Gwleidiadaeth," indicating the main events from month to month. It is in full sympathy with the movement in its plea for justice and freedom, and inspired many of the supporters to act in accordance with their convictions, but condemns the irresponsible methods adopted by the rioters, e.g. " Mae amgylchiadau chwythig yr wythnos ddiweddaf yn Sir Gaerfyrddin, yn peri i bob gwladgarwr call ac onest, i ymofidio a thristu; ac nis dichon i Gristion synhwyrol lai na gwrido a chywilyddio wrth feddwl fod Sir Gaerfyrddin fawr ei breintiau wedi gwarthruddo ei hun mor ddwfn " (1843, p. 223). " Gydwladwyr, byddwch ddoeth a gwrol, amddiffynwch eich egwyddorion yn ngwyneb haul a llygad goleuni, gochelwch bob mesurau a'ch gosodo yn mhellach yn nghrafangau eich gorthrymwyr; penderfynwch wneyd eich rhan er cyfodi banerau rhyddid gwladol a chrefyddol yn mhob man, o fwth y cardotyn tlotaf yn Sir Gaerfyrddin, i balas Buckingham; ymeflwch yn yr arfau y byddwch yn sicr o orchfygu hwynt, eich eiddo chwi yw y moral force yn hollol, gweithiwch ef allan; ond eiddo eich gorthrymwyr yw physical force, maent yn ddigon trech na chwi ar y tir hwn; mynwch weled cleddyf rheswm yn nghalon gorthrwm " (1843, p. 257).

Y Drysorfa, Cyfrol XIII, 1843, pp. 222, 319, under " Hanesion Gwladwriaethol." The methods adopted by rioters are disapproved, though much sympathy is shewn with the farmers.

Yr Haul, 1843, pp. 128, 162-3, 250-3, 257, 319-324, 388-9. Less sympathetic with the movement; deplores the destruction caused and the consequent public expense which had to be incurred.

Seren Gomer, 1843, pp. 57, 89, 122, 156, 185, 214, 250-3, 281-6, 312-7, 144-150, 353-363,381-2.
An account appears in some detail in each number from February to December under " Hanesion Gwladol." The methods adopted by the rioters are deplored and the wanton destruction disapproved. The December issue contains a long article on " Hanes Plant yn Nghaerdyf, am dori Tollborth Pontardulais," (pp. 353-363).

Special articles and reports were published in the following newspapers, magazines, etc.: --- The Carmarthen journal, The Welshman, The Swansea Cambrian, Yr Amserau, The Times, Illustrated London News, The Patriot, The Nonconformist.

The Times had a special correspondent in South Wales. From June 22nd to December 16th, 1843, there was scarcely an issue that did not contain some contribution dealing with the general conditions of farmers and peasantry.

Johnes, John (Dolau Cothi) : An Address to the Inhabitants of Conwil-Gaio in the County of Carmarthen and the Adjacent Parishes. Dated August 16th, 1843. Published later in Tobit Evans " Rebecca and her daughters " (pp. 134-9).

Johnes, John (Dolau Cothi) : Anerchiad at Drigolion Plwyf Conwil-Gaio, 1843. Welsh version of Address in English.

Address to the Rebeccaites with their appeal for pardon, in verse. " Spes Melioris Aevi." Llanelly: John Thomas, 1848, 11 pp. See Appendices B.

Rebeccayddiaeth: Can Newydd yn rhoddi ychydig o hanes y terfysgoedd diweddar yn achos y tollbyrth. Caerfyrddin: J. T. Jones, 4 pp. See Appendices E.

" Lover of Peace ": To the Farmers of Carmarthenshire [1843]. Copy in Cardiff Free Library. Probably a reprint from The Carmarthen journal.

Hanes Gyflawn o'r Ddirprwyaeth Neillduol . . . i brofi y bobl a elwir yn gyffredin, Becca a'i Merched. [Issued as a free supplement to " Y Gwir Fedyddiwr "], 8 pp. Cardiff: Ll. Jenkins, 1843.

Can Newydd, sef Hanes Bywyd Becca a'i Merched, by Levi Gibbon, Cwmfelin. A ballad containing twenty-five stanzas. See Appendices D.

GOVERNMENT REPORTS.

Report of the Commissioners of Inquiry for South Wales, 1843-4. (1844).

An Act to consolidate and amend the Laws relating to Turnpike Trusts in South Wales. (9th August, 1844).

Reports of the Commissioners of Inquiry into the State of Education in Wales, (1847), pp. 243-5. Notes on St. Clears.

Royal Commission on Land in Wales and Monmouthshire: Bibliographical, Statistical, and other Miscellaneous Memoranda, being appendices to the Report of the Royal Commission on Land in Wales and Monmouthshire. (1896).

HISTORICAL WORKS AND NOTES.

The Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies.--- Notes on Hugh Williams and the Rebecca Riots, Vol. XI. Pts. 3 and 4, pp. 160-7.

Carmarthenshire Antiquarian Society and Field Club Transactions.--- Vol. II, p. 189 (Diaries of Mr. Griffith Harris) ; Vol. XI I, p. 58 (A facsimile of a " Rebecca letter," dated 16 Mehefin, 1843) ; Vol. XV, p. 39 (Note on an old deed handed to N.L.W. from the library of Dr. Henry Owen of Poyston), pp. 47-8; Vol. XXIII, pp. 50-1, Note on items of interest (broadsides, posters, etc.) in connection with Rebecca Riots, at N.L.W.; Vol. XXIII, pp. 60-77 (Unpublished letters on Rebecca Riots, 1843-44, edited with explanatory notes). See ref. to MSS. in Carmarthen County Museum (1).

Evans, Henry Tobit.--- Rebecca and her daughters: being a history of the agrarian disturbances in Wales known as " The Rebecca Riots." Cardiff, 1910; pp. viii-267.

Jenkins, R. T.--- Hanes Cymru yn y Bedwaredd Ganrif ar Bymtheg: y gyfrol gyntaf (1789-1843). Caerdydd, 1933; pp. 139-156.

Lloyd, Sir John E. ed.--- A history of Carmarthenshire, Vol. II. Cardiff, 1939; pp. 66, 73-6, 85, 354, 404-5.

The National Library of Wales Journal.--- The Centenary of the " Rebecca " Riots, Vol. III, 2; p. 47.

Williams, David. --- John Frost: a Study in Chartism. Cardiff, 1939; pp. 338-9.

ARTICLES.

Beale, Annie.--- A modern Rebecca, Temple Bar, Aug., 1874.

Davies, David.--- Rebecca and her daughters, The Red Dragon, Vol. XI, pp. 239-248, 325-338.

Davies, W. [Ll.].--- Rebeccasism: I The Movement, Wales, February, 1913, pp. 105-7; 2 The Story, Wales, March, 1913, pp. 143-5.

Green, Francis.--- Rebecca in West Wales, West Wales Historical Records, Vol. II, 1917-18, pp. 27-40.

Hamer, Bowen.--- The Romantic origin of Welsh " Rebeccaism," Wales, October, 1912, pp. 553-5.

Price, R. D. Green.--- Rebeccaism, Nineteenth Century, April, 1881.

Anon.--- Lloffion o hanes y " Beccas," Llanelly Mercury, March 15, 1935.

BIOGRAPHIES.

Davies, T.--- Bywyd ac Ysgrifeniadau y diweddar Barch. D. Rees, Llanelli, Llanelli, 1.871. The attitude of Rev. David Rees to the Movement is given in pp. lii.-liv.

Evans, D. Tyssil.---- Cofiant a detholiad o bregethau y Parch. Caleb Morris, Caerdydd, 1900.

Evans, D. Tyssil.--- The Life and Ministry of the Rev. Caleb Morris, London, 1902. This is an English version of the Welsh edition. Chapter xvi, pp. 228-246 gives an account of Morris's visit to Wales in 1843, when the revolt broke out in parts of Pembrokeshire. He disapproved the method adopted by agitators, though wholeheartedly supported their aims, as can be seen from the following extract taken from his diary:

" The mental and moral activity of the Welsh people is in advance of their material condition. Their spiritual happiness is greater than their temporal comforts . . . Beccasism, bad though it be, is an expression of inward development. It is a sign that the reign of immobility is passing away. Numbness and inactivity in civil matters are gone. Beccaism had made people of all classes think of their individual and social interests, and a new era has begun. There is a power at work --- may it be wisely guided and decided to noble ends. There is great need for reform; let us work and pray for our fatherland."

Thomas, John.--- Gwaith John Thomas, Ab Owen [1905]. (Cyfres y Fil), pp. 91-6. An account of his ministry at Bwlchnewydd at the time of the Riots.

Thomas, Owen a J. Machreth Rees.--- Cofiant y Parchedig John Thomas, D.D., Liverpool, Llundain, 1898, pp. 96-7, reference to the attack on Carmarthen, and the attitude of John Thomas to rioters.

WORKS OF FICTION AND DRAMA.

Dillwyn, E. A.--- The Rebecca Rioter: a story of Killay life, in two volumes London, 1880.
The story is related by one who is in sympathy with the movement. P. 155 et seq. an account is given of a secret meeting held in Carmarthen on a fair day and addressed by one " who travelled from place to place to excite people against the turnpikes and to make arrangements to have a general rising against them as nearly as possible at the same time throughout the country." The attacks and burning of gate and tollgate house in Pontardulais are also described.

Jacob, Violet (Mrs. Arthur Jacob).--- The Sheep-stealers, London, 1902.
A romance of Herefordshire and Brecknockshire in the early forties, giving a faithful account of rural life at that time in a remote district. Rebeccaism, as it affects the village of Crishowell, and the counter measures of the suppressors of the movement are described on pp. 44-5.

Montgomery, K. L.--- The gate-openers, London, 1912.
Romance of the forties woven around the turmoil of the Rebecca movement. The setting of much of the story is in the County of Carmarthen and " Sion Scybor Fawr " and " Dai the Singer " are among the characters.

Davies, Lewis.--- Y Geilwad bach, Llanelli, 1929.
The two characters, " Shoni Sgubor Fawr " and " Dai'r Cantwr " enter into the story. The tale has its setting in Glamorgan, and in the early days of iron melting.

Jenkins, John, " Gwili."--- Rybeca: drama Gymraeg mewn pedair act, Cardiff, n.d.
The play is based on incidents which took place between the end of August, 1843, and the middle of January, 1844--- at Tyisha, Llannon, Gelliwernen, Ysgubor yr Allt Fawr, Llandilo Fach Fair, Penllergaer and Pontardulais Tollgate. The characters in the play include such figures as " Dai'r Cantwr " and "Shoni Sgubor Fawr. "

Jones, Brinley.--- Marchogion y Nos: drama mewn pedair act, Merthyr Tydfil.
The action takes place at a farmhouse near Talog and at the Toll-house " Minke," in July, 1843, and March, 1844, and the scenes describe the movements and attitude of the followers of Rebecca in these and other places in the county.

SHORT REFERENCES.

Ballinger, John.--- Gleanings from a printer's file, Aberystwyth, 1928, pp. 15-18. (First published in West Wales Historical Records, Vol. ffl, 1924, pp. 160-4).

Borrow, George.--- Wild Wales: its people, language and scenery, Chapter xvi.

Evans, Daniel.--- The life and work of William Williams, M.P. for Coventry, 1835-1847; M.P. for Lambeth, 1850-1865; Llandyssul [1940], pp. 64, 168.

Mee, Arthur ed.--- Carmarthenshire Notes: antiquarian, topographical and curious; Vol. 1, 1889, pp. 65-16(?), 77-8, 85-7, 103, 110-1, 153, 157-9.

Roberts, Gomer Morgan.--- Hanes Plwyf Llandybie , Caerdydd, 1939, pp. 189-192.

Spurrell, William.--- Carmarthen and its neighbourhood: notes topographical and historical, Carmarthen, 1879 (2nd edition), pp. 148-9.

Vaughan, Herbert M.--- The South Wales Squires: a Welsh picture of Social Life; London, 1926, pp. 16-7.

APPENDICES A

Return of Turnpike Gates and Toll Houses wholly or partly destroyed belonging to the Whitland Trust.
[List posted to Wm. Evans, Esq., 2nd Nov, 1843].

N.B. The original table is slightly confusing as to which events line up against which place, this layout is my best guess.

This article has been extracted by Gareth Hicks (July 2004) with the permission of the Carmarthenshire Antiquarian Society from original material provided by Deric John.

REBECCA NOTES.

TOLLGATE CENTENARY.

The following extract is taken from a letter which appeared in The Western Mail, November 29, 1943, and written by one who signed himself "Ap Essex Rhydmir," Bridgend.

" One hundred years ago, 1843, tollgates had become a burden upon the inhabitants of this country. The storm broke, and in Carmarthenshire alone 80 were destroyed. The charges imposed upon the countryfolk were unsupportable.

" I remember as a boy hearing my father describe his father, William Phillips, Longford Farm, Clynderwen, who took part in the demolition of the tollgates at St. Clears."

T. G. J.

REBECCA IN TAPESTRY:

In the South Wales Daily News for Saturday, July 29th, 1911, there appeared a descriptive article on Edwinsford Mansion, which contained the following paragraph

" One of the most interesting pieces of furniture in the library is a long sofa covered with a sort of tapestry work in separate squares each square containing a different subject. It was worked about the year 1842 by members of Sir James Drummond's family. What gives it a special interest, however, is the fact that the subjects are topical of that period when the Rebecca Riots had caused great interest in South Wales. One of the squares depicts Rebecca herself in a green veil, and another represents an officer of the 4th Light Dragoons, a squadron of which regiment was stationed at that time at Llandovery with the object of quelling any disturbances in that part of Carmarthenshire."

D. G. GRIFFITHS.

HUGH WILLIAMS' BURIAL PLACE.

The Royal Commission on Land in Wales and Monmouthshire (1896), p. 33, states that Hugh Williams died at St. Clears. He was buried, however, in the churchyard of St. Ishmael, Ferryside. His burial certificate which is at the church is dated 23 Oct. 1874. Act 79.

The inscriptions on the grave stone is as follows: [South side].

Sacred to the memory of
Hugh Peter Marcus who died on the 30th day of July, 1862, aged 6 weeks
and Hugh Peter Dafydd who died on the 2nd day of June, 1863, aged 4 weeks
Also of William Williams (brother of Hugh Williams)
A Lieutenant in the Brazilian Navy
who died on the 11th day of February, 1832, aged 37 years,

[North side].

Sacred to the memory of
Hugh Williams
Late of Cobden Villa, Ferryside,
who died on the 19th day of October, 1874
Also in loving memory of William Arthur Glanmor Williams, D.S.O., Lieutenant
2nd Battalion S. W. Borderers, youngest son of the above Hugh Williams who fell in
Action at Bothaville Oro, South Africa, born Sept. 19th, 1873, died Nov. 8th, 1900.

[West face].

Also of
Elizabeth
wife of the said Hugh Williams
died 25th February, 1909,
aged 75 years.

In another part of the churchyard is a stone with the following inscription:

In loving memory of my dear husband
Hugh Dafydd Anthony Williams.
Born at Ferryside, May 28, 1869.
Died in London, May 15, 1905.

Hugh Williams had three sisters, one of whom married Richard Cobden. Cobden and Hugh Williams travelled together in America and saw President Lincoln.

J. W. W. STEPHENS

RECOLLECTIONS OF JOHN EDWARDS, TANERDY.

In the County Museum's Scrap Book, Vol. 35, p. 71, is a press cutting, presumed to be from The Carmarthen Journal, dated August, 1930, which gives the Recollections of John Edwards, Porthyrhyd Farm, Tanerdy, who was then in his 92nd year.
The following account is given of his recollections of the Rebecca Riots:

" Among his most interesting recollections are those of the Rebecca Riots. He remembers how the land groaned under the persecution of the toll-gates, and how the name " Becca " began to sound in ever-increasing force, and how at last the countryfolk arose and swept on under "Rebecca " to smash the toll-gates. They discovered his father by the wayside, cutting stones and forced him, willy nilly, to join them in their attempt on the workhouse, he, then a small boy, wept at his father being taken from him. But the riots passed off fairly free from bloodshed despite a regiment of militia having been summoned from London, and the only casualty he recalls befell one Joseph Morris (who was the father of Mrs. W. Evans, 42, Priory Street). Before the Rebecca Riots there were three toll-gates near Francis Well at the two cross-ways and there was another and minor gate (Gat-fach) just above Glangwili village, which served as a precaution against those farmers who were successful in smuggling their goods by the lesser roads and avoiding the main toll-gates."

T. G. J.

 

 MINUTES OF THE BRECHFA TURNPIKE TRUST.

In the Minute Book of the Brechfa Turnpike Trust, which is preserved in the County Museum, an account of the deliberations of the Trust is given for the period 1833-1843. The minutes of the last meeting to be recorded in the book, and dated April 24, 1843, are as follows:

At a meeting of the Trustees of the Brechfa Trust held in pursuance of notice at the Forest Arms Inn in the Village of Brechfa, on the 24th. day of April 1843, for the purpose of Renting the Tolls to arise from the Gates, Sidebars and Chains within the said Trust from the 26th. day of April 1843 to the 26th. day of April 1844 and for other purposes connected with the said Trust.

W. J. Hughes. Esq. Chairman.

Present,
W. J. HUGHES. Esq.
D. J. Lewis. Esq.
D. J. Edwards. Esq.
Jhn. Davies. Esq.
Henry Thomas. Esq. Bronyglyn.

Henry Thomas of Bronyglyn qualified as a Trustee and took the oath accordingly.

David Jones Lewis. of Gilvach qualified as a Trustee and took the oath accordingly.

Elizabeth Thomas the person appointed by the Trust to receive the Tolls of Penllwyne gate and Cwmgwyn Bar produced her account and paid the sum of .. (?)

That David Aaron the person appointed by the Trustees to receive the tolls at Brechfa gate produced his-account and paid the sum received amounting to £24 10s.

Mrs. Thomas paid 12£ on account of Penllwyne gate.

James Davies the collector of the tolls at Llansawel gate paid the Trustees the sum of Four pounds being the sum at which the gate was rented to him by Mr. Richard Morris.

Ordered that J. Lewis Carpenter be directed to paint the Pemllwyne(sic) Brechfa and Llansawel gates with two coats of White Paint, the work to be done under the direction of Mr. Richard Morris of Brechfa who will furnish him with the necessary paints and brushes.

Ordered that a tally for 50£ be granted Miss A. L. Williams the personal representative of the late Miss Annie Prytherch of Brechfa and that two years interest at the rate of four pounds per cent per ann. be paid upon such tally.

The Gates were put up but there were no Bidders and the Trustees retained the same in their hands.

The meeting was adjourned to June 6th. for the purpose of examining the Treasurer's accounts and ordering the payment of interest.

W. J. Hughes.

G. ROBLINGS

This article has been extracted by Gareth Hicks (July 2004) with the permission of the Carmarthenshire Antiquarian Society from original material provided by Deric John.

Page 2       Page 3     Page 4

A FILE OF " REBECCA " PAPERS.

BY EVAN D. JONES, B.A.

This is Page 1 of 4   (contains pages 21-30 of the journal

In his Report to the Committee of Council on Education, 1847, Ralph Robert Wheeler Lingen, one of the Commissioners of Inquiry into the State of Education in Wales, refers to a collection of contemporary documents and depositions, concerning the period of the Rebecca Riots, which W. Chambers, junior, of Llanelly House, had shewn him. In March of this year (1944), Sir Godfrey J. V. Thomas, Bart., K.C.B., presented this file of documents to the National Library of Wales.  1  The papers had descended to him through his grandmother, eldest daughter of William Chambers, who married Sir Godfrey Thomas (d. 1861), 8th Bart. of Wenvoe. William Chambers, junior, (1809-82), took a prominent part in quelling disturbances and removing grievances in the Llanelly area to which the papers mainly relate. It was his father, William Chambers, a native of Kent, with a life interest in the Llanelly estate under the will of Sir John Stepney, bart., who came to reside at Llanelly House. The son also lived there until the estate reverted to the Stepney family upon the father's death in 1852. The following year, William Chambers, junior, purchased the famous house and estate of Hafod Uchtryd in Cardiganshire which became his home for nearly twenty years. He sold Hafod in 1871 and went to reside in Kent.

The association of the Chambers family with the Rebecca Riots is already known to readers of these Transactions through a collection of letters addressed to William Chambers, senior, and others, by the Hon. George Rice Trevor (afterwards 4th Baron Dynevor), vice-lieutenant of the county at the time, which were printed in Vol. XXIII, pp. 60 --77. Reference should be made to those letters in reading the transcripts and abstracts printed below as many of them relate to the same incidents. On returning the file to William Chambers, Lingen had urged him to paste the papers in a book, chronologically, with just enough of narrative to connect and explain them. Unfortunately, Chambers did not take Lingen's advice and we have the papers without the narrative which would have added greatly to their interest. Lingen predicted that in twenty years time they would be valuable " as contemporary history of a very singular phenomenon." Now, after the lapse of a century, their historical value is no less. In normal times with no restriction on paper the documents might be printed in extenso, but under present circum.................

( Notes 1. N.L.W. M.S. 14590E.)

................. stances most of them must be content with pretty full abstracts. Some however have to be printed in full to give justice to their style and content. The deposition of Thomas Phillips (No. 45) was singled out by Lingen as being " without exception, one of the most graphic pieces of writing " he had ever read. He quoted from it in his paragraph on the popular character of the Welsh as illustrative of the vividly descriptive and imaginative powers of the people. Much of the information is accessible in H. Tobit Evans : Rebecca and her Daughters and in newspaper reports of the main trials, but the local colour, the sidelights thrown by these preliminary depositions and examinations, and the few primary records included in the file, justify a full description of the contents.

1. RESOLUTIONS made at a meeting of the Three Commotts District of Roads Trust held at the Shire Hall in Carmarthen, 5 August, 1843

The Trustees present were John Edward Saunders, John Lloyd Davies, John Davies, Thomas Jones, Daniel Prytherch, Rees Goring Thomas, John Walters Philipps, William Chambers (junior), with Edward Adams in the chair.

It was resolved to remove such gates and bars as might be shown to be oppressive. The following gates or bars were to be removed as soon as arrangements could be made

Pantybedw.      Treventy.         Penrhiwgoch.
Velinygate.      Maesybont.      Castellyrhingill.
Heolfawr.        Fforest.           Mansel's Arms, otherwise Drefach.
                        & Dryslwyn bar.

A ticket from the New Bridge gate to clear Porthyrhyd gate on payment of an additional three-halfpence per draw, and a ticket from Porthyrhyd to clear New Bridge gate. A payment at either Llanfihangel Aberbythich, Troedyrhiw goch, Rhydyffynon, Cross Hand, or Tyfran, to clear all the other four gates. Porthyrhyd to clear Tyfran and vica versa. A meeting to be held on 26 August to give effect to the resolutions.

Copy.

2. A REPORT, dated 11 August, 1843, of a committee appointed 23 June of the same year to investigate the accounts of the Carmarthen and Newcastle Emlyn Turnpike Trust.

The accounts were investigated from 1835 and a balance sheet drawn up showing receipts and expenditure of £12,631 : 7 : 5, from tolls (£8,131 : 7 : 5), Exchequer Loan Commissioners (£3,500), and private loans (£1000). The loans were applied in making new roads to Pontwely and to Conwil.

The Committee recommended that tolls should be lowered to the rate abtaining before the Act of 1835 (which authorised a 50% increase) except at Francis Well and Pontwely where an increased toll should be taken on account of the convenience of these lines and the saving of expense in horse labour to those who used them. Suggestions concerning certain gates were made. The gates at Bwlchydommen and Velindre not be re-erected, as the projected road had not been carried out and the parishes had to repair and pay toll. The gate at Nantyclawdd not to be erected, as it inflicted a local grievance and its return was trifling. The Pontwely gate on the Llanpumpsaint road not to be re-erected for a twelvemonth in order to secure fuller information. The Bwlchyclawdd gate to be re-instated on account of the income derived from it and the burden which its discontinuance would place on the parish. Newcastle and Wernfach gates to be re-erected. The ticket of the Newcastle gate to clear Bwlchclawdd and Wernfach gates, and the tickets of either Newcastle or Wernfach gates, together with the difference in the amount of toll, to clear Pontwely gate.

Talley holders to be invited to reduce their interest from 5 to 3 1/2 % to meet the reduction of income which would result from the non-erection of gates.

The committee hoped that the Trustees would adopt the suggestions and that the inhabitants would assist to preserve uninjured the property of the Trustees.

Signed --- R. Goring Thomas, Chairman, B. Lewes, Thos. Lloyd (Bronwydd), John Beynon, L. Evans, Jno. Davies, Edwd. Cr. Lloyd Hall, Lewis Morris.                                                                                 Printed.

3. THE INFORMATION AND DEPOSITIONS of Jenkin Hugh of Llanelly, Catherine his wife, Edward Chalinder, and William Lewis, taken on oath 14 August, 1843, at the Town Hall, Llanelly, before John Hughes Rees, David Lewis, and Richard Janion Nevill, justices of the peace, on the examination and in the presence of Francis McKiernin of Llanelly, victualler, George Laing of the same place, victualler, and John Phillips of the same place, labourer, brought before them on the charge that about eleven of the clock on the night of Wednesday the second day of August, 1843, about twenty persons, some of whom were armed with guns, did riotously and tumultuously assembled together, to the disturbance of the public peace at a certain toll gate called the Sandy Gate near Llanelly, unlawfully and with force begin to demolish the toll-gate house, being the dwelling house of the deponent, and did also demolish the said toll-gate, and that Francis McKiernin was one and George Laing and John Phillips were two of the persons so assembled and were then and there aiding and abetting in the commission of the offence.

Jenkin Hugh said that he lived at the Sandy tollgate house; his wife was the collector at the gate. On the second of August he met the Llanelly letter carrier who had a twopenny letter for him. He went to the Ship in Llanelly and paid the twopence and then to Mr. Jones's Office shewing the letter to him. He then went to McKiernin's house and shewed him the letter. They drank three dobbins of beer. He asked him what he thought of the letter and McKiernin said he thought it came from (?) of the teetotals. Deponent asked him whether he should take his wife and children out of the house. He said " never mind, Jenkin, if the Gate will be broken, I will take care that neither your wife or children shall be hurt ? " Deponent then went home. It was between nine and ten at night and he told his wife that he was afraid that the gate would be broken that night. She went to bed and he sat up. He had received several joking letters about the gate. About eleven at night he heard a noise of men about the gate and laughing, but it passed away. At about one o'clock in the morning he heard people striking at the iron posts of the gate. He looked out of the window and saw people sawing the tollgate. Immediately after, two shots were fired through the window. Two or three people who had their faces blacked broke the door in. He then went out to the turnpike road and went on his knees begging them not to take the house down upon his children, and to let him get his wife, children, and furniture out. He saw McKiernin standing on the railroad and asked him to make them let him have his wife, children, and furniture out. McKiernin told the people to stop, to let the man get his wife and children out. Laing jumped to the middle of the road and said " Take it down, don't stop, take it down, to the devil with them." Deponent then went to the house and tried to get the clock out. Somebody fired a shot into the house after him. The shots struck the chimney piece. He carried the clock out and his wife took the children out of the back window. A person blackened helped him to carry the clock which was damaged.

The people then went away. He was struck on the arm with a gun. He did not see any other person there except McKiernin and Laing that he knew except a neighbour. He did not know who struck him. He saw three or four men on the house taking the tiles off. The windows were broken in and the porch before the door broken down. They went into the house and pulled down the dresser with the dishes on it, and also the mantelpiece. They fired at the chimney. McKiernin had nothing on his face. He had a white shirt over his clothes. He did not see Laing's face, but he had a white shirt on and something like a handerchief round his face. Laing went from the railway to the road and desired the people to go on. He ran after him to beg him to stop the people. He gave no answer. When the people went away some went towards the Town and some towards the Furnace Gate.

Cross examined by Mr. Gardnor for prisoners ---

It was after one o'clock when he met the letter carrier. He was quite sober when he went to McKiernin's and when the people came to the gate. He knew Laing by his voice and ran after him. His face was not blackened. Deponent was drunk the following morning. He was not sober when he made the depositions at Mr. Chambers' office. He did not say that Mr. Chambers was there. McKiernin had, he thought, a straw hat or bonnet on his head, something white. He knew Laing by his voice and body. He knew him from seeing him every day.

Catherine the wife of Jenkin Hugh sworn said ---

She recollected the night of the second of August. She went to bed about one o'clock in the morning. Her husband lay on the settle. At about a quarter to two she heard a knocking at the windows of the house. She heard the gate being broken and jumped up directly. She awakened her husband and he went on his knees on top of the table to look over the shutters at the people breaking the gate. The window was then shot in. The glass in it was broken to pieces. She saw marks of shots on the window frame the next morning. She begged her husband to ask the people to be quiet that she might get the children out of the house. He cried out " Halt " and begged them to let him have his furniture out of the house. The door was then broken in. Some of the people then came in. Her husband begged them to let him have the children and furniture out of the house. They told him to go out or they would kill him. Some of the people helped to take some of the furniture out of the house. Her husband was with them by the door. She was in the back room with the children. Her husband then went out to them as the tiles were falling into the house and she heard him say he depended on their honour not to hurt the children. He was about five minutes amongst them. She went backwards and forwards to the bank but did not know any one there. They fired over her head into the house but she did not think they had shots. Her husband was not drunk at that time, but he had taken beer. He named some persons as having been there before he left the house.

He named McKiernin and Laing. She told him to hold his tongue. He was sober at that time. He had no liquor in the house. Her husband complained of his arm that one of the persons had struck him with a gun. The people pulled the mantelpiece down and untiled part of the roof. The porch was pulled down and the crockery broken and also the chairs and clock which was carried out and placed on the dunghill.

Edward Chalinder sworn said ---

He was a tidewaiter in the Customs and lived close by Sandygate. He was at home on the night of the second of August. He saw a crowd of people tearing down the gate and taking the tiles off the toll house. There were fifteen or twenty people that he saw. He could not see all. He heard firing, some saying " go on go " and others " stop, let the children come out," " wake him, he is asleep." The people were there about half an hour. He did not know any of the persons there. The night was dark and rainy. Some were on the railway and had white dresses on. Jenkin Hugh told him some of his friends were there. He appeared as if he had been drinking beer but appeared to know what he was out, --- was pretty steady under it.

William Lewis sworn said ---

He was the lessee of the Kidwelly district of Turnpike Gates. On the morning of Thursday the third of August he was at his house in Swansea at about eight o'clock when a person came to him to desire him to go to McKiernin at the fina William in that town. He went and saw him. He told him that the Sandy gate had been destroyed that morning and part of the house, and that Jenkin Hugh's clock was destroyed. He said that the Furnace gate was destroyed and the toll house burnt and advised deponent to go to Llanelly, that no one would hurt him in the day. He said that Mr. Broom had called at his house that morning and had informed him that the gates had been destroyed.

Cross examined by McKiernin.

He was not aware that McKiernin had told him that the people of Capel Gate had told him to inform him of that. He might have for he was hurried. McKiernin was a publican and had two coaches on the road.

Prisoners declinded (sic) to say anything. The cases were committed to the Assizes. William Lewis bound in £50 to prosecute and give evidence. Jenkin Hugh bound in £100 that he and his wife would give evidence. McKiernin bound to appear in the sum of £200 with two sureties in £100 each, vi(. (sic) Williams Webb and Thomas Jenkins, saddler, both of Llanelly. Laing bound to appear in the sum of £200 with William Isaac of Llanelly and John Rees of Maesardaven as sureties in £100 each.

4. RESOLUTIONS passed at a meeting of the parishioners of Llanelly in vestry assembled the 17th August, 1843. Wm. Chambers, esq., junior, chairman.

It was resolved that it was the opinion of the meeting consisting of 130 tithe payers in the parish that they were paying a higher rate of tithe than they could, from the depressed state of agriculture, afford; that they earnestly requested Mr. Rees Goring Thomas, the inn propriator of the tithes, to communicate with the chairman of the meeting what reduction he was disposed to make; that the chairman be requested to communicate with the Tithe Commissioners and ascertain whether from the circumstance of there being a local tithe act in the parish, it would be precluded from the general Tithe Commutation Act; and that the meeting be adjourned to 31 August to receive the answers.

On the dorse is a letter, dated the following day, by Wm. Chambers, junior, informing Rees Goring Thomas of the resolution. He emphasised that he was not the instigator of the agitation thought he was fully impressed with the exorbitant amount paid by the parish for tithe.        Copy.

5. A LETTER from R. Goring Thomas, from Llysnew[ydd], 23 [August, 1843], to [William Chambers].

He has received his letter with a copy of the resolution agreed to by some of the Llanelly tithe payers. He was fully sensitive of the very depressed state of all agricultureal produce and should no improvement take place between then and January he would be prepared to meet tithe payers as landlords and tithe owners ought to do under such circumstances. He felt however that he ought not to be pledged to any specific amount of abatement. If the tithes were exorbitant the parishioners themselves had fixed the amounts twelve years previously. The vicar of Llanelly who at that time managed the tithes for him put their value at £3000 pes annum (sic) and he considered that he was making a sacrifice in accepting what the parish offered. There need have been no apology on the part of Chambers for attending the meeting. He was very glad that he was there.

6. A DRAFT OF THE RESOLUTIONS specified below, partly in the autograph of William Chambers, junior.

7. RESOLUTIONS passed at a meeting of farmers and other inhabitants of the parishes of Llanelly, Llanon, Pembrey, and Llangendeirne, held on Mynyss Sylen on Friday, 25 August, 1840.

(a) That the meeting viewed with great satisfaction the steps that had been taken by different Trusts to remove obnoxious and unnecessary gates, toll bars, etc., and deemed it further necessary to represent the propriety of letting each gate separately and annually and of seeing that the money taken at each gate be expended on the space of road it professed to clear.

(b) That the people employed on the road be the parishioners of the parish through which the road passed.

(c) That quarterly accounts be published of all monies expended and that an account detailing the expenditure of money laid out on bridges for the last 20 years be produced by application to the Clerk of the Peace and that carriages on springs subject to the assessed taxes pay the full toll and carts 3/4ths of what was then paid.

(d) That coal for lime pay half toll.

(e) That while the meeting reflected with pleasure upon the handsome manner in which the Right Hon. the Earl of Cawdor, Wm. Chambers, Wm. Owen Brigstocke, esquires, and Dr. Lucas had come forward in the then distressed state of the agricultural interest to meet their tenants with, a suitable reduction of rents, it deemed it necessary to present an humble address to each landlord in Llanelly, Llanon, Llangendeirne, and Pembrey, strongly representing the unparalleled depression of the farming interest and requesting most respectfully a reduction on their part to their tenancy in proportion to the depreciation of the produce of land consequent upon the general stagnation of commerce.

(f) That a memorial be presented from the parishioners of Llanelly to the impropriator humbly representing the unfair and deceitful manner in which the parishioners were inveigled to consent to the local tithe act, it being affirmed in the most solemn manner by parties then acting under Mr. Thomas that the tithes of the parish would not generally exceed one shilling and sixpence in the pound, while in all instances it had exceeded 4s. and in many cases 5s. and in some cases 3s. in the pound and begging of him to consent to receive 2s. in the pound and also to allow all tithe payers in the next payment the one shilling in the pound that was allowed to all persons the previous year; and that a memorial be sent from the parishioners of Llanon requesting the impropriator to receive 2s. in the pound.

(g) That the meeting could no less than express its deep coviction of the utmost importance of maintaining order in the removal of all those and similar grievances and that it determined to frown on nocturnal gatherings seeing that persons, characters and property were in danger from lawless and violent proceedings such as had been pursued lately under the mantle of night.The resolutions were moved by Stephen Evans of Cilcarw and seconded by John Jenkins of Coedmawr. The following resolution was then moved and carried

(h) That the meeting pledged itself to discountenance all nightly meetings by every means in its power and to use its influence in restoring order in that part of the country.

Signed: Wm. Chambers, jr. Chairman.

Wm. Rees, Tirheol.        David Morris, Cappel Evans.   John Thomas, Gynheidre.

John Thomas, Caercanvas.    Lln. Thomas, Berwick.     Aaron Jenkins, Gellyhire.

Richard Bonville, Sayborisha.       Dd. Samuel, Blanant.      Richard Edmund, Caerbigin.

William Rees, Soho.   David Jones, Brynygroesfach.    David Hugh, Bryngwinmawr.

William Robert, Glynea. 

Parchment.

8. RESOLUTIONS (e-h) as above, with a list of the signatories.

9. RESOLUTIONS (a-d) as above.

10. A TRANSCRIPT of all the resolutions noted above.

11. A LETTER from Wm. Chambers, junior, from Pendine, 28 August, 1843, to Hugh Williams, solicitor, at Carmarthen.

He regretted that the Welshman should have noticed in the way it did Mr. Rees's amendment attributing motives which did not actuate him. As regarded the Rev. Dd. Rees it was still more wrong. The latter only expressed an anxiety that the position should be understood by the parties from whom it professed to come, namely, a meeting of Welshmen. Although the writer thought that Mr. J. H. Rees had pushed his amendment further than was necessary, he thought the observations in the Welshman were too strong and did not display the judgment which he had generally seen exhibited by the recipient. Williams was quarrelling with his own friends, he meant the people's friends. A heedless rabble would eagerly applaud anything that appeared to hit at those in authority and in those times magistrates were rather at a discount. He had thought him to be too old a soldier to be tickled by idle cheers. He feared that on the part of the editor there was some ill feeling towards the Rev. David Rees, than whom a more unflinching advocate of the people's rights and liberty did not exist. He prayed him to do what he could to put the matter right as between him and the magistrates and between the rival editors. It was a pity that the numberless enemies who were ready to pounce upon anything like a schism amongst the complaining and their advocates should have so good an opportunity placed at their disposal as that on Friday.        Copy.

12. A LETTER from H. Williams to W. Chambers, junior, dated Sunday evening.

He regretted acutely the excessive goings on and particularly the outrages which had been committed on the recipients property. He had not the incentives alluded and every consideration of interest and of humanity induced him to hope and to exert himself to stem the torrent that seemed to threaten the country.

13. AN ANONYMOUS LETTER [? to William Chambers, junior].

Sir,
Owing to a General Complaint having been made by your worker slaves against your monthly payments this is to give you three dais notis only, that you are to aquint them that you will pay them every fortnight from hence forthe and acording to your own promise made to them on the first of January last not taking it unto Cosnaidiartion to keep a penny from each man or other waise to suffer a visit from us on the night of the 30th instant with out any further notice.

Deated the 26th of Augst.
                                                                                                          ever yours &c.
                                                                                                                                the night worker ?

14. A LETTER from R. Goring Thomas from Carmarthen, 29 August, 1843, to [? William Chambers, junior].

Col. Trevor was of opinion that as there seemed to be a prospect of getting further evidence (and the writer had seen J. Rees) the warrants should not issue until the result would be known. Edwards had made his deposition before Mr. Lewis of Stradey so that the warrant had better be issued by him and executed by the recipient's constables. Should Mr. Edwards think it necessary would he or Mr. Rees go with a guard to Gellywernen that night ?

15. A LETTER from H. R. Edwards from Gellywernen, 29 August, 1843, to [? William Chambers, junior].

The writer's father had every reason to believe that an attack would be made on Gellywernen either that night or the following night, and therefore begged the recipient to send or go up with some of the military that night.

16. A LETTER from H. R. Edwards from Gellywernen, Wednesday evening [? 3o August, 1843] to [? William Chambers, junior].

Gelly-glyd is situated near New Lodge on the Swansea road between Cross Hands and Pontardulais. He had no further information except that they were certain of being at the places which he had mentioned that night and he hoped that they would catch them. Every movement had better be kept very quiet as there were people in every corner.

17. A COPY OF THE RESOLUTIONS specified in No. 4 with a draft resolution passed on 31 August that

The chairman be requested to forward to Mr. R. G. Thomas a copy of the resolution passed on Mynydd Sulen. With regard to the 1s., Mr. Chambers having reported that Mr. Thomas expressed his intention of returning it to him and his tenants, they considered themselves entitled to the same and represented most strongly the injustice of his demanding it in future arising as it did from a mistake of Mr. Thomas's own agent. Meeting adjourned to 21 September.

Continued on next page

This article has been extracted by Gareth Hicks (July 2004) with the permission of the Carmarthenshire Antiquarian Society from original material provided by Deric John.

A FILE OF " REBECCA " PAPERS.

BY EVAN D. JONES, B.A.

This is Page 2 of 4 (contains pages 31-40 of the journal)

18. A STATEMENT of " Rebecca's demands and complaints in the form of draft resolutions at a public meeting. Undated.

The meeting wished to ascertain when the tolls at the Water Street Gate were increased from 11/2 for a horse load of lime and coal to 41/2 for coal and 21/2 for lime. The proper charge was 21/4. It was unjust that the parishes should contribute to the repairs of the road and pay the gates. It was the conviction of the meeting that the abuse of the Trust's money and the increase of the tolls had been the sole cause of the disturbances. If the toll was reduced and a proper account rendered, every farmer in Conwill, Abernant, Newchurch, Treleach, and Kilrhedin, would join as one man to put doen disturbances. The meeting considered that great abuses existed in the appropriation of the county stock and that the expenditure was extravagant; that the conduct of the magistrates at petty sessions was quite unbearable,--- " that we are treated like dogs, we are told to hold our tongues or go out of the room, that the law that is dealt out to us is the law of the magistrates' clerk, and not the law of the Queen, and the magistrates' clerks charge us what they please."

19. A LETTER from William Chambers, junior, to R. Goring Thomas, 2 September, 1843, with a copy of the resolution of 31 August mentioned in No. 17 above.

He sends him another resolution. He must see as a matter of common justice that the shilling should not be charged in future; it having been so charged had been a primary cause of discontent in the parish on that question, feeling also how much the people had been imposed upon by his agents. The elements of combustion wanted only the conduct of such a man as his agent, Mr. Edwards, to set the country in a flame, who added insult to unnecessary severity. His friend Morris had given the coup de grace. A Postcript: He had just heard that Edwards said on the night that he (Chambers) went up to protect, with soldiers, his life and Thomas's property, that the soldiers made so much noise that they prevented the people from attacking the place. There was no noise, they took every precaution and it was a shameful misrepresentation of his man, who wished for some excuse for his ungrounded fears. He will on no other occasion go there on Edwards's information. With two double barrelled guns he, if he had not the belly ache, might have defended his house. The only noise was a little dog let out from Gellywernen when the soldiers arrived, which was left out during the whole of the winter's stay though he had particularly requested it to be taken in.       Draft.

20. A LETTER from George Rice Trevor to [William Chambers, junior], 6 September, 1893.

The recipient was mistaken as to there having been any complaint made about the soldiers during the time they were at the Edwards's. There was only a passing observation made as to their talking while Col. Love and the writer were at Lanon but not in his hearing. He was satisfied that no blame could attach to Capt. Scott or Chambers.

Some difference of opinion might exist as to his taking the chair at Mynydd Sulen and he thought he had been imprudent in having done so. Though the meeting was one he would not have wished to have interfered with, yet as a magistrate Chambers might have found himself seriously compromised. At the same time, he acquitted him of any blame as regards intention for he was of the opinion that his motives were good, and that if, by that meeting having been held undisturbed, night meetings should be less frequent a great good would have been effected.

21. A " REBECCA " LETTER addressed to " Mr. Luckraff, Sea Side, Llanelly," 6 September, 1843.

" Mr. Luckraff,

This is to give you further notice that if you don't quit these Premises in a fortnight's time we must come and remove you & I am sure it is Better you went yourself than to Be removed By force.

Rebecca."

Sept 6th/43.

22. A LETTER from H. Manners Sutton to the Clerk to the Magistrates at Llanelly, 7 September, 1843.

He was directed by the Secretary [of state], Sir James Graham, to acknowledge the receipt of his letter of 31 August relative to Jenkin Hugh, a witness in the case of the destruction of a toll gate at Llanelly. Sir James Graham relied on proper steps being taken to secure the attendance of the witness at the proper period and for protecting him from being either intimidated or tampered with. Upon the termination of the proceedings the Secretary would consider whether he would not recommend to the Treasury the payment of expenses in prosecuting the case as might appear reasonable.

23. A LETTER from H. R. Edwards of Gellywernen to [William Chambers, junior] dated Wednesday morning.

Mr. Davies Cefenybryn had told the writer's father that the Rebeccaites had been at John Evans Gellyglyd's the previous night and had destroyed all he had besides what they took away. They had also heard that they were to break down Hendy and Pontardulais gates that night. They thought it best to let him know as he could then do as he pleased. The previous night the writer was obliged to go down to let a dog out when he saw a man all in black run out of the yard and over the gate into the field. They had every reason to believe there were more about.

24. A LETTER from R. Goring Thomas of Llysnewydd to William Chambers, junior, 9 September, 1843, in reply to No. 19.

He must have misunderstood what he had said. He stated that he would return Chambers's tenants the shilling for the previous year, and that he would not require any tithe payer to pay it this year or in future. Had that been explained to the meeting such a resolution would not have been passed. What was said at Mynydd Sylen was no answer to the fact that the parishioners through their Tithe Committee had fixed the amount with him twelve years previously at £2100. The statement about his agent's observation as to the tithe being fixed at 1/3 in the pound might be correct, but he had never heard of the circumstance before he saw it in the resolution. He understood the rent charge had been unequally assessed but the appointment of the apportioner did not rest with him. The mistake about the shilling had been  made not by his agent but by Mr. Geo. Goode who was duly appointed by the Chairman of the Quarter Sessions under the provisions of an Act of Parliament

25. A LETTER from R. Goring Thomas to [William Chambers, junior], 9 September, 1843.

He regretted that any annoyance should have been caused to him in reference to his visit to Gellywernen with the soldiers. He would not have asked him to undertake that duty but would have done it himself had not Col. Trevor requested him to remain at Llysnewydd and advised him not to order soldiers to act in defence of his own property. He never heard Edwards make any complaint against the recipient. He spoke very gratefully of what he had done for him. He said the soldiers talked more than they should but no censure could attach to him or to Capt. Scott. A Postscript: He had done good service at Hendy and Pontardulais.

26. A LETTER from George Rice Trevor to [William Chambers, junior]. Undated.

He has just heard from Mr. Nevill of the part he took in the occurrences of the past night at Hendy and between there and Pontardulais. The arrangement made by him reflected great credit on him, and the writer was much pleased with as well as obliged to him for his zeal and activity on that occasion.

27. A MEMORANDUM relating to persons at Ty yn y wern, 9 September.

Dai Cantwr.

Thos. Morris---35---marr'd & 3 children---next door to Mary Edmund. Collier at Simons occasionally.

Jno. Daniel---35---marr'd & children---Collier---Mr. Morris opposite to him, short, & dark complexion, rather thin.

Wm. James --- 25 to 30 --- marr'd next door to Jno. Daniel---was brought up by Chs. Edmund of Cressant---middling size.

Evan Hugh---son of the tenant of Cilferry issa---28---unmarried.

Dd. Thomas---son of the tenant of Cilferry ucha---25---unmarried.

Chas. Edmund---Cressant aged 50.

Servant boy at Pant y gwenith (Dd. Bowen, aged bet: 18 & 20---a healthy boy, good size---now at Penywern or Penygraig.

Evan Jenkins---30-unmarr'd young---thin & unhealthy looking.

28. A LETTER from Colonel . . . Love from Carmarthen to [William] Chambers [junior], 10 September, 1843.

In reply to the recipient's requisition for a force of cavalry it had to be understood that there would not be less than ten horses in the same billet and that the men would be quartered in the same house with their horses. It was only on those conditions that he could allow a force of cavalry to remain at Llanelly. It was also desirable that the dragoon horses should be in a stable by themselves.

29. A LETTER from George Rice Trevor to [William Chambers, junior], 11 September, 1843.

He had received the recipient's letter and had shown it to Colonel Love who believed that the force which Chambers had, judiciously employed, was sufficient to protect Llanelly from attack but the mob must not be allowed to enter the town. They had the authority of the Secretary of State to use armed force to stop the people coming in. If he should anticipate the want of more cavalry he would have to send to Carmarthen sufficiently early for them to reach him in a good state of service without tiring the horses in the march. He should send word to Colonel Love at what hour the demonstration was expected to take place.

30. THE DEPOSITION of Benjamin Thomas of Llanelly, surgeon, touching the death of Sarah Williams, at the house of Mrs. Martha Philpots called The Black Horse at Pontardulais, in the lordship of Kidwelly, 11September, 1843, before William Bonville, coroner, on an inquisition taken on view of the body of Sarah Williams then and there lying dead.

With John Kirkhouse Cooke he had made a postmortem examination of the body externally and internally. Marks of shots were seen penetrating the nipple of the left breast, one in the arm pit of the same side, several on both arms, one on the left side of the wind pipe, three in the forehead, one on the external angle of the eye. There was blood on the clothes covering the breast. In moving the body to a sitting posture a considerable quantity of fluid blood escaped from the mouth. The back of the corpse showed no marks of violence. On removing the integuments of the scalp shot marks were found in the bony structure of the skull but not penetrating throught it. Upon removing the bone covering the brain the external covering of the brain was exposed entire and appeared slightly vascular as did the entire structure of the brain both cerebrum and cerebellum. The latent ventricles contained no more fluid than usual. The left lung pressed lighter on the chest than natural and was darker in colour, and in cutting into it the substance was considerably congested with marks of shots on the surface two of which were found in the substance. The right lung was adherent to the side and there was an effusion of dark coloured blood into its substance. In the cavity of the left pleura there were about three pints of blood a considerable quantity of which was in a coagulated state. The heart was natural and they did not examine further and were satisfied that the cause of death was loss of blood and the state of the lungs and pleura arising from the shot found in the lungs which caused the extravasation.        Copy.

31. THE DEPOSITION of John Kirkhouse Cooke of Llanelly, surgeon, taken at the same inquest.

His evidence provides little additional information. The shot extracted from the lung were of the ordinary size used for shooting partridges. Death would have been produced by the large quantity of blood which was effused into the chest which impeded the motion of the lungs as well as by the large quantity of blood which was lost destroying vitality. There was no cause to attribute the effusion of blood but the shot penetrating the lungs and injuring its vessels.      Copy.

32. THE DEPOSITION of Margaret Thomas, wife of JohnThomas of Llanedy, carpenter, at the same same inquest.

Sarah Williams between 12 and 1 o'clock the previous Saturday night [9 Sept.] came to deponent's house and asked her and her husband to get up as someone had put fire to her house---the toll house. Deponent went to the door and asked her to carry her things to deponent's house. She went back to her own house and took her things out to the road. Deponent asked her several times to come to her house but she did not come. Deponent heard the report of four or five guns and in about three quarters of an hour after she had spoken to the deceased she came towards deponent's house. She sank down at deponent's door on the outside. Her husband came out and they took her in but she did not speak a word. Deceased died in about two minutes. Deponent did not see any blood on her but a little on her forehead and she thought she was frighted to death. Deponent saw no persons or horses and heard no horns blowing or shouting. Her husband was in the house all the time.

By the foreman --- Deponent did not think from the blood that she might have had a blow which killed her. She saw the toll house and gate both standing when she went to bed about 11 o'clock, the toll house burning when deceased called for assistance, and burnt down with only the walls standing in the morning. It was a thatched house of two rooms. The toll board had fallen down some time and was in the house in pieces.

Copy.

33. NOTES of the evidence of William Chambers, junior, taken on oath in the presence of William Hugh, Thomas Williams, and Henry Rogers, and Lewis Davies, charged with being taken in the parish of Llanedy on the seventh of September disguised and on suspicion of being concerned in the felonious destruction of a toll house, (being a dwelling house) at Pontardulais gate, before William Chambers, J. H[ughes] R[hys] and R. J. N[evill].

[? 8 September, 1843]

William Chambers, a magistrate, deposed that having been informed of a contemplated attack on the Hendy Bridge gate in Llanedy he called on Captain Scott then commanding at Llanelly to go with him with a sufficient force to that place. On the way up they observed a rocket fired between Mynydd Sylen and Llanedy. On arriving near Gwilly Bridge deponent heard the blowing of horns, one particular note was repeated several times. In the course of a few seconds after the last note he heard the firing of fire arms in the direction of Pontardulais Gate. The soldiers were lying under a hedge alongside the railway and W. was about 100 yards in advance. He returned to the men and brought them to the field where he was and requested Captain Scott to lead. They proceeded with all haste to near the railway wooden bridge over the Gwilly. He divided the soldiers into two parties, one going with Captain Scott, and the other with himself, and the other [ six] was put under the charge of Mr. Payne with directions to cut off the retreat of the people from Hendy bridge towards Llanelly. The firing continued from 7 to 10 minutes, during which 60 or 70 shots were fired. Not being aware that the Police were near Pontardulais Gate, W. though the firing was only upon the destruction of the Gate as was usual and thought the attack would then be made on Hendy Bridge Gate.

Being at this Bridge W. saw a man coming down the Llanelly and Llandilo Railway walking fast. The soldiers were not visible to him. W. went up to the man with Capt. Scott and collared him and the man so taken was the prisoner Lewis Davies. The upper part of his face was blacked and the lower part coloured red when taken. Upon being taken, he put down his head and his hand to it to conceal his face probably and put something under the tail of his coat. W. followed his hand and got the cap produced. He had a straw hat on his head. The prisoner was left in charge of the sergeant and two men, and W. ran towards the Turnpike Road east of Hendy Gate. The soldiers were brought up to this position and placed under the hedge of a field adjoining the road. W. moved on to observe as they appeared to be going from Hendy Bridge towards Pontardulais, but the party, probably seeing W's hat, whispered and turned back. At that moment prisoner William Hugh was getting from the road over the Gate of the field in which the soldiers were, upon which the soldiers followed him, and he ran off along the road towards Hendy Bridge. He was caught at the bottom of the hill. W. saw several persons running at this time and went back towards the prisoner who was crying out. W. asked him who he was and what doing. He was dressed, as he then was, in girl's clothes and had his face black'd. He said in English that his name was Hugh and that his father and a servant boy whose names he mentioned (W. thought it was Thomas) had gone back. W. thought he was a girl.

Just before this occurrence, W. hearing a noise of horsemen in the Pontardulais direction moved off with Capt. Scott and the soldiers towards Pontardulais along the turnpike road. Sergeant Gibbs had been left a little behind with the two prisoners and upon his joining W. it was found that he had two other prisoners. On arriving at Pontardulais the Dragoons gallop'd up, and, as the soldiers were advancing, appeared about to charge, taking them for Rebeccaites. On getting up to Pontardulais Gate in Glamorganshire W. found the gate entirely destroyed and the windows of the Toll house and the whole of the inside of it, partitions, &c., destroyed, and three men lying handcuffed on the floor. This toll house was used to be dwelled in by the Toll Collector. W. recognised there several of the Glamorganshire magistrates, Captain Napier of the Police, &c. On the way back the Prisoner Hugh said he had thrown away his horn in the hedge and it was found there by the soldiers.

Henry Gibbs, sergeant in the 76th Regiment of Foot deposed that he was out the previous night with the soldiers. Chambers left one prisoner with him and whilst so employed he heard shrieking in a field close by. W. had three soldiers with him on the Railway near the Bridge over the Gwilly and they were placed on the Railway. Whilst there he heard men coming along the Railway. He stopped them and found they were the prisoners Thomas Williams and Henry Rogers. W. asked them whether they had been to pull the house down and they said they had only been to see. They were not disguised or armed and seemed much frightened at the soldiers. After that a file of men brought prisoner William Hugh to W's charge.

James McCarten, a private in the 76th deposed that he heard prisoner William Hugh say " that he was a little girl."

Lewis Davies, asked what he had to say, said that he lived at Skybor-ucha in Llanon, a farmer and tenant of the Reverend Samuel Davies at the rent of £35, and aged 32. He was pressed to go with the people by 10 or 12 men who came to his house on Monday night between 12 and 1 and fired off 4 or 5 guns in front of it. They said that unless he joined them they would burn his house, kill him, &c. He did not know who they were.

Henry Rogers said that he was a servant at Penllwyngwyn in Llangennech parish. He had heard of the account of the people coming and only went out to see them.

Thomas Williams said that he was servant to John Thomas of Llangennech Mill. He heard the horns, &c., blowing, and went out with Henry Rogers to see the matter.

William Hugh said that he was the son of John Hugh of Llandafen. Last night he was at Talyclyn in bed and heard persons hollowing at the door. On going down he saw a number of men, one of them stayed, dressed him, and made him go with him. When they got to Hendy Bridge the man gave him the horn. He got over the Gate when the soldiers came against him.

Initialled by J. H. R.

34. A LETTER from William Chambers, junior, to  ___

" Llanelly house. Sept 13th, 1843.

Sir/.

I think it right to inform you why I do not attend your meeting today. Having taken the chair at Mynydd Sylen, I should again have attended but the manner in which I have been treated by parties whose cause I have always done my best to support fills me with surprize and disgust. The lie of my having shot the man round the corner of the Inn at Pontardulais arises probably from my having performed the only act of kindness I could to the unfortunate men whom I first saw wounded in the gate house by getting them water. Once established this lie was, I have no doubt, sedulously retailed by persons who were anxious to sever the good understanding that had existed always between me, and the Farmers of this neighbourhood. How well they succeeded I need not tell you. All the Pontardulais firing was over before I left the Gwilly wooden bridge, there I took the first person, then went across to the Turnpike road, staid there some time, took another, waited again and then went on to Pontardulais, all this on foot, and meeting the Dragoons by the Inn, so that it is impossible I could have shot the man. These must be convincing proofs to you, and must be to all reasonable men. You know that as a magistrate my duty is imperative. I deny a report circulated that I have acted contrary to my declaration on Mynydd Sylen I said then, I would oppose night meetings. The Mynydd Sylen meeting passed an unanimous resolution to that effect, how well did they keep to that ! I repeat what I said in my address to the inhabitants of Llanelly, that neither I nor any one with me have as yet fired a shot. I was one of the first to lower the rents to, and to pay the police rate for, my tenants. I deny that they have anything to complain of, or that I ever refused them an extension of time when they asked for it. Ask them as a body, they will, I am sure, acknowledge it. Ask them, if there are any from the town of Llanelly, whether I have not lent many a poor man money to carry on his buildings or to carry on his business, they can acknowledge this. I have kept my word with regard to the gates and bars. At the Kidwelly meeting called specially by the magistrates of this district that time might not be lost no agreement was come to by the Lessee, and it was only after the meeting broke up and everybody but Mr. Adams and myself were gone that we made him write a letter to the Clerk, who still remained, binding himself to a certain fixed sum in consideration of the gate, and bars to be removed previous to the expiration of his contract. The other objects could not be proposed till the regular meeting some days hence. I wrote to the Tithe man at Llanelly, and if the people wished me to write to the Landlords, why did they not, after the meeting, put themselves in communication with me for that purpose.

I think I have answered every lying report. I have gone thus far into explanation, as it is a duty I owe to myself, not to the cowardly miscreants who fired my houses, my corn., my hay, and shot an unoffending animal. Is depriving the poor of employment, and depriving cattle of food the way to redress grievances, and better the condition of the Poor, or of the Farmer ? If there is any doubt upon this, ask my poor farm men and women at Ty ynywern, Mansant, and Gellygylwnog, how their situation is improved ? I have very little more in my own hands for them to finish, so that is not likely to influence me in writing this. I have my life (devoted for these twelve years to the expenditure of my Father's ample fortune in this County) threatened, but the coward who did this had better mind that the sacrifice of his own is not the reward of his temerity when he thinks proper to attempt mine.

I will not advert to the horrid crime perpetuated at Hendy Gate, as I profess to be writing for my own satisfaction alone, but I cannot refrain from saying that I trust the Almighty God will let the death shriek of that poor old women haunt the soul of the guilty sinner to his dying hour.

May I request you to read my letter to the meeting

                                                                                   and am Sir

                                                                                             your obed't Servant

                                                                                                                  Wm. Chambers, jn."

35. THE DEPOSITION of David Lewis of Trimsaran, collier, sworn before R. J. Nevill at Llanelly, 26 September, 1843.

Deponent, on the previous Saturday night, went to bed about 9 o'clock, and in about an hour afterwards he heard a man calling him out of bed, and Jack Scibbor fawr came into the room, and desired him to go with him. He was certain it was the man by his face, voice, and carriage, and by his having lost a portion of one of his fingers, though he was dressed in a gown and bonnet on his head. He had a single barrelled gun in his hand. From fear, deponent was induced to go with Jack Scibbor vawr and his party, who appeared to fill the road, and of which he was the leader. They went together to the mountain and there they met another party headed by Dai y Cantwr, whom he saw dress himself at the Stag and Pheasant in a shawl and bonnet. The two parties proceeded towards Pontyberem, and went to Mr. Newman's house, where they made a great noise, and fired several shots. They then demanded that Mr. Slocombe, a clerk in the employ of Mr. Newman, should come out to them, but a woman who spoke to them declared he should not, and John said he would have to see him. The woman then called on Mr. Gibson and Johnny then fired and said " I give Gibson to your head till it is off." He also said that Slocombe must leave in a week for no Englishman should manage in Wales any more. If he did not he would be killed and his house pulled down. David Cantwr commanded the men to come on and he had a piece of stick on his shoulder. Deponent would know him again as he saw him again the following day on the road opposite the Star Public house near Trimsaran. After the threats the parties separated and deponent went home. It was between 5 and 6 on Sunday morning before he returned to his lodgings and went to bed.

Signed by mark.

36. A LETTER from C. Newman of Gwendraeth to [Richard Janion Nevill], 27 September, 1843

He had great reason to expect an attack upon the works that night. He begged the recipient to send the Dragoons there on their round. They would be of great use to the constables on the works who felt very anxious for help all the week.

37. A LETTER from R. J. Nevill from Llangennech to ___ , Wednesday night 1/2 past 12 [27 September, 1843]

Wednesday night 1/2 past 12 [27 September, 1843].

He had received a note from Mr. Newman. He asked the recipient to show it to W. Chambers, and send the answer which might to them appear expedient. Should they determine to comply with Newman's request he should accompany them. The writer was leaving for Bristol.

38. A LETTER from Henry S. Lane of Llanelly to [William] Chambers, junior.

It was two o'clock, Newman's application seemed founded on somewhat uncertain information, and the writer could not possibly be there before near daylight, so he thought it totally absurd to attempt the assistance asked for.

39. A CIRCULAR from J. J. Stacey to W. Chambers, junior, 29 September, 1843.

The trustees of the Kidwelly District of Turnpike Roads with a view to remove, if possible, the complaints which had been made as to the number of Toll Bars on the Trust, had ordered most of them, together with one  Toll Gate, to be discontinued. They had it in contemplation to reduce or to abolish the Toll on Lime carried for manure; and that on Culm used for burning lime. To meet the diminution of income it was proposed to reduce the interest on tallies five per cent to four. The recipient's consent was solicited to an abatement on his tallies on a bridge (£150). His consent to the reduction or abolition of toll on Lime for manure and on Culm for burning lime was also requested.

Continued on next page

This article has been extracted by Gareth Hicks (July 2004) with the permission of the Carmarthenshire Antiquarian Society from original material provided by Deric John.

A FILE OF " REBECCA " PAPERS.

BY EVAN D. JONES, B.A.

This is Page 3 of 4 (contains pages 41- 51 of the journal)

40. A DRAFT LETTER from W. Chambers, junior, to the Oddfellows, --- September, 1843

The existing state of that part of the principality was probably not unknown to them. The writer, as a magistrate, had taken such steps as had put some check to the nightly excesses that disgraced it. Under the name of Rebeccaism the fomenters of disorder had succeeded in setting the law almost at defiance. The whole country was in a perfect state of terror. A turnpike woman had been murdered. Five fires which he had the previous week destroyed the produce of three farms, and in one case the house was entirely consumed, more was threatened; a horse shot; his own life threatened in a variety of ways. Except in the town itself, under the influence of the military, they were in a state almost bordering  on civil war. His object in writing was to suggest the propriety of the board issuing an order to all the lodges in the counties of Carmarthen, Pembroke, Cardigan, and Glamorgan to discountenance, by their example and by all other means consistent with their duties to their country, and to their Queen, as oddfellows, such breaches of the law, and a reminder that their duty to a brother was to warn him of approaching danger and to assist him when it arrived. This would enable him to find a number of brothers whou(sic) would not desert him in an hour of need and might through the blessing of God become the means of restoring order in that hitherto tranquil country.

41. A LETTER from H. Manners Sutton on behalf of the Secretary of State, Sir James Graham, to Wm. Chambers, 4 October, 1843.

He acknowledged the recipient's letter of the 2nd of the month, and expressed satisfaction at the information that the Tyrfrane gate near Llanelly had been replaced by the farmers in the neighbourhood.

42. VERSES written by a tenant in defence of William Chambers, junior, and to beseech him to remain in Llanelli, 5 October, 1843.

PENILLION

i ymddiffyn Mr. Chambers, ac erfyniad arno i aros yn Llanelli.

Arafwch Foneddwr, na chiliwch o'n hardal,
O herwydd mai Iluoedd ddymunant eich attal;
Paham rhaid in' golli Boneddwr o fawrfri
Yr hwn sy'n attegwr a noddwr Llanelli ?

Hir oes a ddymunem i chwi ac i'ch tylwyth,
A boed bell oddiwrthych bob dychryn ac adwyth,
A'ch arall ran addien mae teimlad am dani
Am na byddai'i awron yn Mhalas Llanelli.

Nyni a obeithiem nad oedd dim ond angau
A fedrai'ch hysgaru oddwrth ein mynwesau;
Gresynol i 'storom mor sydyn i godi
Gan roi i'ch dueddiad i adael Llanelli,

'Nol treulio blynyddau yn eithaf cyssurus,
A chwi yn ein canol fel penaeth llwyddianus,
Ai ni yn y diwedd a doir a'r fath anfri
Trwy adael yn hollol o honoch Llanelli

Paham bydd digasedd yn erbyn eich person ?
A fedr plant Beca fod wrthych chwi'n ddigllon
Na, pell fyddo dial 'nol derbyn daioni
'N gynhyrchiol oddwrthych tra'n byw yn Llanelli.

O blaid pob diwygiad a threfniad daionus
Chwychwi yn gweithredu a welwyd mor hwylus,
Heb arbed dim llafur na threulion aneiri'
A fedrent ddwyn llesiant i'r wlad a Llanelli.

Yn amser gorchestol y brwd etholiadau
Chwychwi oedd ein blaenor i sefyll pob rhwystrau;
Am bleidio pob mesur haelfrydig 'doedd ini
Foneddwr cyffelyb yn ardal Llanelli.

Y beichiau presennol a bwysant mor enbyd,
Pob moddion cyfreithlon gynlluniech i'w symud,
Os chwi a enciliwch, gadewir mewn cyni
I ochain o danynt drigolion Llanelli.

'Does neb all eich beio am balliant mewn rhinwedd,
Na chalon galedwch at rai diymgeledd;
O weled gwell amser pa obaith sydd ini
Trwy yru oddwrthym attegwr Llanelli ?

Dymchweler y gau gyhuddiadau echryslon,
A'r rhagfarn a daenwyd yn erbyn eich person;
Anwiredd ddiflano, a'r gwir gaffo'i godi
O barthed Boneddwr a Haelwr Llanelli.

Chwychwi gwedi saethu a chlwyfo personau
Sydd gelwydd maleisus yn dyfod i'r golau;
Na, na, gellir bostio, (a rhaid i bawb dewi)
Nad euog o'r weithred yw Chambers Llanelli.

Chwychwi mewn swyddogaeth fel Ustus yr heddwch
Dybynol yw arnoch i gadw tawelwch ;
Paham yn eich erbyn bydd cynnen yn berwi
Am geisio'n ddiffuant wir lesiant Llanelli ?

Eich dadl yn unig yw myn'd yn rheolaidd
Y mlaen a diwygiad heb ganlyn mo'r drygedd,
Y ffordd idd ei gyrhaedd nid ydyw trwy losgi
Ydlanau a meddiant gwir garwr Llanelli.

Amaethwyr hen Gymru oedd i chwi'n fost helaeth,
A'n llafur bob amser oedd destun eich araith;
Paham bydd anghydfod yn aros eleni
Rhwng siriol blwyfolion a gwron Llanelli ?

Nid oes yn eich erbyn a all ddwyn cyhuddiad
Eich bod am gefnogi mesurau gormesiad,
Y tollbyrth gorfodol, y degwm, a'r trethi,
Na chwi'n fwy'n eu herbyn 'does neb yn Llanelli.

Paham ynte'r awron y bydd i anghydfod
Rhwng meistr a deiliaid gyfodi mor hynod ?
Darfyddai pob dadl pe mewn gwir oleuni
Canfyddid egwyddor ein por o Lanelli.

Ymfudo i Loegr, ar hynny na thybiwch,
Tra mae ich' gyfeillion a garant eich heddwch;
Bendithion y nefoedd i chwi fo'n aneiri'
A chartref hyd angau i chwi fo Llanelli.

Oddyddion yr ardal yn nghyd a'r Iforiaid
A'r pleidiau crefyddol ynt oll fel un enaid,
Mewn dwys ymrwymiadau yn rhoi eu plaid ich chwi,
Gan ddeisyf na byddoch i adael Llanelli.

Da'ed heddwch fel afon i lanw'n terfynau,
Darfydded plant Beca i losgi'ch meddianau,
Rhy werthfawr yw cynnyrch y ddaear i'w losgi,
A chwithau rwy'n gadael golledech Lanelli.

Chwychwi yn gyssurus a allech fyw hebom,
Ond yma o dra-serch yn byw byddech drosom;
Chwychwi'n nghanol Loegr gae'ch lawnder i'ch lloni,
Ond Beth ddae o weithwyr a thlodion Llanelli ?

Pan ddaethoch hyd attom y dref a adfywiodd,
Gweithfeydd a agorwyd, a masgnach a ledodd,
Adeilad aeth rhagddo, a thai wnawd yn rhesi,
Mae'r gwelliant yr awron i wel'd yn Llanelli.

Cymmoder eich meddwl a'n tref yn dragywydd,
A'ch rhinwedd ddiffyno eich person ysplenydd;
Eich cain Foneddiges, eich Tad, a'ch plant heini,
Fo'n gwneuthur eu cartref yn Mhalas Llanelli.

Y mae'n ddisgwyladwy o hyd yn mhlith bagad
Fod ambell ddihyryn o ddifoes ymddygiad;
O achos y cyfryw na foed i chwi sori,
A gwrthod cyfangorph drigolion Llanelli.

Hyderwyf yr awron pe lawn ddealldwriaeth
Gymmerai le rhyngoch a gwyr eich cym'dogaeth,
Y ca'ech fod gweddillion hen serchedd yn berwi
A'r Ilais cyffredinol " Na edwch Lanelli."

Ac bellach tr[a'n] tynu at derfyn y ganiad,
Drwy'r hon y dymunir adferu pob cariad,
Wyf un dros laweroedd a'r cais hwn i'w drosi
Na foed Mr. Chambers i adael Llanelli.

Hydref 5 ed, 1843.                                                                          Deiliad.

43. A CIRCULAR from Colonel George Rice Trevor addressed to W. Chambers, 21 October, 1843,

The recipient is requested to assemble the magistrates under his presidency and to inform them that police constables and military were distributed over the county so as to give them every facility towards restoring peace and order. The police stationed in their district were at the disposal of the magistrates, and had orders to obtain every information in their power as to what might be going on, and if they wanted assistance from a magistrate, they were to apply at Cross Hands, Pontardulais, Llanon, and Gellywernen, to Mr. Nevill, at Pontyberem and Llanelly to the recipient, and at Kidwelly and Trimsaran to Mr. Hughes Rees. Whenever it should become necessary to call on the military to act they had to be attended by a magistrate, except where constables were placed in a situation of danger in the execution of their duty. In such an emergency, the military would afford aid without waiting for the orders or presence of a magistrate. He hoped that having the means of restoring peace and preventing outrage at their disposal, the magistrates would control and put down that spirit of insubordination and resistance to the law, which had too long prevailed in the county. He had received the express orders of the Secretary of State to impress upon the minds of the magistracy the necessity of using every means in their power towards the attainment of that end.

44. THE DEPOSITION of Joshua Thomas of Morning bach in Llanelly, collier, taken on oath before Richard Janion Nevill, 3 November, 1843.

Deponent in the beginning of September last went to work to Thomas Phillips of Topsail, parish of Pembrey, farmer. He was having one shilling and sixpence a day for the first ten days and one shilling and three pence each day for the last two. He worked on the farm of Topsail and sometimes slept there with Thomas Phillips. They slept downstairs and Thomas Phillips's wife slept upstairs. Phillips had quarrelled with his wife. An execution had been put in the house at the instance of John Bonnell of Velinvole, shopkeeper. Thomas Phillips told deponent one night in bed that he would give him a sovereign if he would put fire to a house and two ricks of hay on the farm of Cynheidre, the property of John Bonnell. Deponent did not say he would set fire to them nor did he say that he would not do so. Phillips made several offers to him on four different nights after the first.

At a further examination deponent said on oath that

About a week after the bailiffs were at Topsail, Thomas Phillips went to Llanelly to pay the money. He came home about eleven o'clock at night. Deponent was in bed upstairs with Jacob and Thomas, two servants, and Phillips's wife was in her own bed downstairs. Phillips called out " Jacob, Joshua, and Tom, get up directly." They went down stairs. He appeared sober. In the room were nine or ten men of a kind deponent had never seen before. They were dressed in white robes and a kind of hankerchiefs on their heads. Phillips was in the same dress. Some had guns. Phillips said " Now boys lets be off." Deponent and the two boys were in their shirts. Phillips said '' Now boys lets go down to Pont Spudders gate." Deponent went with them to a shop by the Star which Phillips showed them. That was about twelve o'clock. Phillips called the shopkeeper, by name John, and he got up and opened the shop door. Phillips sent some in, and deponent saw some powder and shot weighed. Phillips went away to gather people. He had brought a person from a house near the mountain on the way down. Deponent went behind the shop and hid himself for about an hour. He heard the noise at the gate and on their return he joined them again. They returned to Topsail and he slept with the boys. On the following day Phillips and his wife quarrelled and he beat her severely. That night deponent slept with Phillips who said to him "Josey, I tell you what I will do for you, I will give you a sovereign in your hand if you will go and put fire in the dwelling house of John Bonnel and his two ricks of hay." Deponent gave no answer and he said " go to-morrow night and do it and I will give you the sovereign on the following day." He made the offer several nights. On the night he first offered the sovereign he said that he had bought a cart of John Bonnel and had not paid for it, that Bonnel had employed Mr. Davies, attorney, who had sent bailiffs to his house, and that he had paid ten pounds all but three shillings and eight pence, and that he wanted John Bonnel's house and ricks put on fire to frighten him to return the ten pounds, when he would spend five pounds in Beer.

signed by mark and
countersigned by R. J. Neyill.

45. A STATEMENT made on oath by Thomas Philipps of Topsail, before William Chambers, junior, 12 December, 1843,

" Between 10 & 11 o'clock on the night of the attack on Mr. Newman's house I was called upon by Shoni Yscwbor fawr and went with the party. On my way, I had a conversation with Dai Cantwr. Thomas Morris, a collier living by the 5 cross roads, was walking before us with a long Gun. I said ' Thomas is enough to frighten one with his long Gun.' Dai said 'There is not such a fire man as Tom Morris in the Rank . . . I was coming up Gellygwlwnog field arm in arm with him after burning Mr. Chambers's Kicks of hay, and he had a gun in the other hand, and Tom said " Here is a hare " and up with his gun & shot it slap down, and it was a horse, Mr. Chambers's horse.' And Dai said that one of the party stuck the horse with a knife, the blood flowed & Tom Morris held his hand under the blood and called upon the persons to come forward and dip their fingers in it and take it as a sacrifice instead of Christ and that the parties did so, and Dai added that he had often heard of a sacrament by a horse before that night. I asked him how they got the Ricks to take fire. He said that 3 or 4 had matches under the Ricks lighted and the rest with Guns watching. I again said how did they fire, 'hay is too close to catch.' He said " No, they blazed famously." I asked him how many they were at it. He said " 8 or 9," and I asked who they were. He said " I was there, Thomas Morris (who lives next door to Mary Edmund near 5 cross roads), John Daniel (living opposite to Thomas Morris), William James (living next door to Mrs. Daniel), Evan Hugh of Cilverry issa (son of the tenant), David Thomas son of the tenant of Cilferry ucha, Charles Edmund of Crossant, and the servant boy of Pantygwenith, William Walters of the Stag & Pheasant, Evan Jenkins of Gellyhir (son of the tenant Aaron Jenkins ... " I asked him if those were the persons who fired Ty yn y wern. He said No that it was Shoni & a couple from Pontyberem, but did not name them.

In the dusk of Sunday evening next after I had been at Carmarthen giving evidence against Shoni and Dai, the servant boy of Pantygwenith came to my house ... He wanted ... to know what had taken place at Carmarthen. I told him what I knew about it & said that I had heard that Dai was going to split about the firing. " I had heard so," he said, " I do not know what will come of it then." I said " I hope that you as a young lad was not with them about the firings." He said that he was not but he named all that Dai had named to me as being firing the Ricks at Gellygwlwnog excepting David Thomas of Cilferry (I am not sure that he named him) ... I asked him where his father and mother lived. He said the other side of Carmarthen, and I advised him to go home out of the way, and he said that he would. On last Llanelly cattle fair day I was in the shop of Mr. Jno. Bowen, Grocer, Llanelly, and David Thomas, son of the tenant of Cilferryucha beckoned me out. I went out and he asked me how I had suffered Dai Cantwr to be taken at the Plough 7 days before. I said I could not help it, there were so many Policemen there. He said " I don't know in the world what will come of it now, they will have the burning and all out." I asked him was he in it. He answered no, that it was other parties, naming the same persons as Dai had told me before, and he begged of me not to mention it to anyone. I went to Carmarthen to give evidence against Shoni and Dai & on the following morning at dawn David Thomas came to my house (he had never been there before). He asked me how it passed at Carmarthen. I told him, & I said that I had heard that Dai was going to split about the burning and all. He said " I do not know in the world what will come of it then." I advised him to go round the parties & tell them of it & call a meeting & contrive the best way to get out of it for it was a bad job. He said that he would do so and left me for the purpose immediately."

Signed : Thomas Phillips.

4 6. A STATEMENT made on oath by David Howell, a servant with William Rees of Tanygraig near Velinvole, taken before William Chambers, junior, 13 December, 1843.

Deponent for the year ending at Allhallowtide was servant with David Thomas of Pantygwenith, parish of Llanelly. At the beginning of corn harvest, going home to breakfast, he saw Dai Cantwr on the turnpike road near the Stag and Pheasant. Shoni Scybor fawr was with him. They were talking together. Deponent did not then know either of them. About a fortnight afterwards Dai Cantwr came to Pantygwenith and asked if he should have a bed there. Deponent's master said he might sleep with deponent if he was willing. Deponent said the bed was Dai's. Dai supped with the family and slept with deponent in a room upstairs. He came from time to time and slept many nights there and had food there. On the night that Spudders Bridge gate was destroyed between 9 and 10 o'clock Dd. Vaughan servant at Soho was at the Smithy, David the Smith's near the 5 roads and deponent was there also. Vaughan and deponent went to the Stag and drank a pint each. They went out and were caught by 7 or 8 men, who were disguised. They included Shoni and Dai and a stranger from Pontyberem, Thomas Morris, John Daniel, Charles of Crossant, and Wm. Walter of the Stag. Shoni told them that they must go with them to Bont Spudder. They went with them to Topsail where Shoni and the stranger called for Thomas Philipps. They went down to the Gate. It was broken. Deponent stood with others watching. He saw Shoni giving two letters to the gateman, one for Mr. Chambers and one for Mr. Rees of Kilymaenllwyd, and he ordered him to deliver them by 10 o'clock next morning. On the subsequent night, Dai came to Pantygwenith and slept with deponent. On the next night, Saturday night, he did not sleep with him. On that night, Ty yn y wern and Gellygwlwnog fires took place. Pantygwenith house abutted the road. On Sunday morning deponent, returning home from chapel, saw Dai on the road about half a mile from Pant y gwenith. He was washing his face or drinking water. Dai said that he had been a little jaunt, that he had been down at Gellygwlwnog putting fire into the hay. Evan of Gellyhire, David of Cilferryucha, Tom Morris, Charles of Crossant, and John Daniel were there with him. He also said that a horse was killed there. Dai slept with him that night.

 On the evening of the assault at Pontyberem deponent's mistress sent him down to the Stag about 11 at night to fetch his master home, who had been there drinking for several hours. Mr. Jones of Brynygroes was with him. They were drinking beer and gave deponent a dobbin. They were met in the door by a number of persons. Shoni was disguised and had a gun. Others had guns. Shoni wanted deponent's master to go with them. He refused and told them to take deponent instead. The man of the Stag staid at home. Dai was there, Tom Morris, Thomas Philipps, and a lot of persons from Trimsaran. Deponent did not know them. He went with them to Pontyberem where they threatened Mr. Slocombe. Dai slept with deponent that night. Dai did not approve of that job and said it was Shoni's contrivance and against his will.

Dai had a book which he kept in his side pocket. Deponent saw him read in it and write in it. On the day previous to going to Spudders Bridge he saw him sitting down in the middle of a field with his hat between his legs writing two letters. He said they were two letters. Deponent never saw the book with him in the house and thought he hid it in the hedge. He had seen him doing something in the middle of a hedge of a field near the road.

About the first time that he saw Dai deponent had a conversation with Evan Jenkin of Gellyhir. He met him on the road near the Stag and he told deponent that Shoni and Dai had been down at the Seaside giving notice or warning to some person. He said that it was for that job Shoni and Dai were first sent for. Deponent went to Topsail to ask Thomas Philipps what was done at Carmarthen because he had heard that his name had been given in and he was free from it.

Signed by mark of David Howell and
countersigned by Wm. Chambers, jr.

47. A ROUGH PENCIL DRAFT of the evidence of David Howell.

John Hugh, Tycanol, wanted deponent to send a letter to Dr. Lucas because he charged rent to Dd. Smith by Drover's Arms (now living by 5 roads). He thought Walters's apprentice wrote the note. Not sent. John Hugh was pleased and told deponent to threaten to destroy plantation. Dd. was a tenant of Owen Hugh. John said the ruin of Becca had been soldiers living in the Workhouse and he thought of a plan to get them out, --- to give letters to guardians. John Hugh sent deponent to David Jones who wrote 4 or 5 letters --- to Stevens, Gelly; John Hugh; Moodie; Powell; Howell near Pembrey. Jones had 3 or 4 more for other persons. Went to Llanelly together. John Hugh wanted to have the soldiers in the public houses that if Becca came, they might have time to run away.

48. A NOTE of the voluntary examination of David Davies made before Wm. Chambers, junior.

Tom Morris was head man for the work. Evan was the steward and stood always back. A Revd. Dd. Jones was the inventor. One day at Stag and Pheasant Evan said " Indeed Mr. Jones I never do further than you tell me." The night of Spudders Bridge gate Jones was at Stag giving them beer and on their going said " Stop, I'll give you another 1s. worth that you may be strong." Jones stopped till 3 at the Stag and left word for them to come to breakfast on white bread and butter and tea. Mr. Lewis' underkeeper offered his services as a Becca. Evan David Hugh and Robinson were in Farmers Arms. Some went in. Said he would rather than £5 that Mr. Chambers was shot. 

With regard to Luckcraft the first arrangement was to cut his legs and afterwards it was proposed to break all his things. The fat young butcher was at the Stag and was sitting between the two pilots.

  49. AN ANONYMOUS LETTER addressed to W. Chambers, Esq., Junr. Undated.

The writer could not swear who set fire to the recipient's property. He might be wrong in pointing to any person in particular but he had strong reasons for suspecting a party, and having received favours at the hands of the recipient and his family, he would, if desired, give the name through the medium of the bearer. It had to be under the promise that the writer's name should never appear. Yes or No would be understood.

50. A MEMORANDUM by William Chambers, junior, concerning the shooting on Pembrey mountain. Undated.

The night of the Gellygylwnog fire Revd. David Jones was at Stag all night and when he heard it had been burnt, he jumped about the road and said in Welsh something like " Oh ! dear me ! ! " He attended all their meetings. He was giving advice.

Witnesses to threaten to shoot Chambers by Dai Cilverry: Thomas Phillips, Pembrey; Dd. Hugh; Wm. Lewis, mason, Waynbuckland; Thomas Erasmus, collier; John King; all of Pembrey; John Jones, Bwlch, farmer; Jno. Williams, Llwtrogbach; Jacob Lloyd; Joshua, son in law of Uncle Charles.

Dai Cilverry said to Dai Cantwr " tell about young Chambers too " when he said Edwards was to be shot, and afterwards Dai Cilverry made a good speech and said that any one who would shoot young Chambers should have £5. Some proposed to take down all hedges at Gellygylwnog. Some person asked where the money was to come from. When Dai Cilverry was speaking he said " join all your Hearts to get rid of all such people from amongst you " in a sort of prayer calling upon God to assist them. Speech lasted about ten minutes. People were very attentive and seemed to feel much. He was proving that Chambers ought to be shot for shooting men at Pontardulais.

Persons who went to Pembrey mountain from Carslaw (or Stag Pheasant) party: David Thomas Cilverryucha; Dai Cantwr; Thos. Phillips, Topsail; Jacob Lloyd & Tom Hugh who turned back; Tom Morris; Wm. James; Wm. Davies (Walters' apprentice); Joshua, son in law of Uncle Charles.

Twelve guns waiting to shoot Mr. Chambers by the Cross road. Men --- Will Stag & Pheasant; Tom Morris; Will James; Dai of Cilverryucha; Evan Jenkins, Gellyhir; William Jenkins; Shoni Sgybborfawr; Dai'r Cantwr.

51. A COPY OF A REBECCA LETTER addressed to William Chambers, junior, esq., 16 December, 1843.

" Carabunda Castle, Decbr. 16, 1843.

Sir I am given to understand that you are habit of receiving your Rents from your Tenants at Llanelly and the neighbourhood and giving them durty pint or a quart of Beeor in the shape of present. it is very improper for you to do as a Gentelman but now in future do not degrade yourself in that manner and if you do my ould Mother Rebecca will come and pay you a vicit in the corse of this spring your Caretter is so degraded you should do sumthing more hansome for to gain your caretter to its former state and if do not you will draw the indignant spirit of my old Mother Becca to save depradations behave yourself as a Man you have acted as a traitor to the working men of the Nighbourhood now Mr. Chambers for god sake do not force me to work I am one of the Daughters of Rebecca."

52. A STATEMENT by William Davies, carpenter, residing with his father William Davies, sawyer, on the farm of Carnawllon near Pontyberem, made on oath before William Chambers, esq., the younger, 4 January, 1844.

Deponent was near 18 years old. In 1841 he apprenticed himself to Wm. Walters, carpenter, who then lived at the Morning Star on Mynydd Caerslaw. When his term of apprenticeship expired, in July 1843, Walters lived at the Stag and Pheasant. He remained with Walters as a journeyman until eight weeks ago. One night last August he went to the Farmers Arms to look for his master and found him sitting in the parlour with Dai Cantwr, Wm. Jenkins (tending the beer), Evan Jenkins, Thomas Morris, William James, David Thomas, junior, Cilverry, Charles Edmunds, 3 strange men, 2 pilots, and Evan Hugh of Cilferry issa. Deponent had a tumbler of beer handed him by someone. He stayed there but a very short time. He had gone upstairs at his master's house when a person came up to the room and asked him in English to come down stairs. He went out to the road and saw a great number of people. Deponent went with them along the turnpike road until they came this side of Highgate. They turned into the fields on the right and came to a tram road and to the Seaside. They stopped at a house. Thomas Morris, Wm. James and deponent were ordered to stop 50 yards from the house to watch if anyone was coming. The party knocked at the door and deponent heard 4 or 5 guns fired. They were called to come on, and the party went up the railroad and up the old tramroad by Velinvole, and back to the Farmers Arms. Shoni was disguised in a gown and bonnet and had a gun. He rode a dark horse. Dai Cantwr, who was disguised, had no gun. Wm. Walters, disguised in a blue dress without a bonnet, had a gun. Wm. Jenkins, disguised in white, had no gun but carried a long staff. Evan Jenkins was disguised in blue, but had no gun. Thomas Morris, disguised in blue and white stripe, had a gun. Wm. James had his coat sleeves turned inside out, no gun. David Thomas, shirt over his clothes, had a gun. Charles Edmund not disguised except his coal black face. Deponent was disguised, by the person who called him, in a blue dress. He had no gun. They all went to the parlour at the Farmers Arms and William Jenkins, the landlord, gave them half a crown each. They all understood it was money given by the Llanelly pilots. It was then about 3 or 4 o'clock, just becoming daylight. The disguises were taken off on the way back to the Farmers Arms. William the smith who lodged with Morris Rees of the Drovers Arms was one of the party, and he received his half crown. Deponent heard someone say " come down " or " come out " or something of that tune when the knocking was at the door at the Seaside. On their way down to Llanelly they all went together until they came down the Penyfai Lane to the turnpike road, when they went across the fields to the old tram road near the Brickyard. Shoni left them at the mouth of the Penyfai Lane and rode towards the Furnace gate.

Signed by William Davies and
countersigned by Wm. Charles, Jr.

53. DEPOSITIONS taken before William Chambers and William Chambers, junior, 5 January, 1844.  An unfinished draft.

(l) John Pasley Luckraft:
He was harbour master at Llanelly, residing at the Sea Side. About 1.30 on the morning of Wednesday, September 6, he was awakened by a knocking at the front door of his house. He supposed it to be one of the harbour men calling him and he tapped the window to show he was awake. A voice cried out " is it here the harbour master lives ? " He replied " yes." The same voice answered " come down here, we want to speak to you." Deponent dressed and prepared to go down, and several voices called out in a threatening manner that if he did not come directly they would fire the house about him. He went out and saw in front of his house from twelve to twenty men all disguised, one on horseback. One person stood on his right as he came out. He was disguised with a light garment like a petticoat on the lower part of his person and had a handkerchief or something tied on like a turban on his head. He was a tall man and appeared to take the most active part. The man on horseback spoke first --- " We have come respecting those poor people you are sending to our Workhouse and you must go away. Deponent said " Do you mean that I must leave this house," and the man on the right said " No, we mean that you must leave this place altogether. Before you came those men were getting forty pounds a year. Now they are obliged to go to the parish." He had a woodman's hatchet in his hand. Deponent replied that as he was in their power he must do as they desired. The man lifted the hatchet in a threatening manner and said " If you do not promise, by the Lord God, you will be a dead man." Deponent saw a man pointing a gun at him and he asked the man with the hatchet " What is that man about with the gun." The man with the hatchet ordered him to put the gun up, which he did and shrunk back. The man with hatchet said that he would stand between deponent and harm, and added " you must promise to leave this place in a week or by God Almighty you are a dead man, and don't you think the soldiers can protect you for they can't, and that they know, and they know that we are here now." Deponent said " Do no violence and I make you the promise." The man on horseback turned towards the new dock and all the rest turned to go away. The man on the horse said something and a man pointed a gun at the deponent and discharged it, but it hit the window three feet to his right. Three discharges were made towards the upper windows. Deponent did not recognise the prisoner William Jenkins as one of the men.

(2) Thomas Powell of the Metropolitan Police stationed at Trimsaran gave evidence of a statement by William Davies as in No. 52.

(3) William Davies gave evidence to a similar effect.
According to an endorsement by W. Chambers, junior, the witness Davies prevaricated so much that the examination was not proceeded with, and the prisoners were discharged.

Continued on next page

This article has been extracted by Gareth Hicks (July 2004) with the permission of the Carmarthenshire Antiquarian Society from original material provided by Deric John.

A FILE OF " REBECCA " PAPERS.

BY EVAN D. JONES, B.A.

This is Page 4 of 4 (contains pages 52- 63 of the journal)

54. THE VOLUNTARY EXAMINATION and statement of David Davies, otherwise Dai'r Cantwr, a prisoner in Carmarthen Gaol, before William Chambers, the younger, and John M. Tierney, Inspector of the London Police, 17 January, 1844.

There were present at Mr. Luckraft's ---Tom Morris who fetched Johnny of Yscybborfawr, William Davies of Pontyberem, the two boys of Gellyhir, William Richards, a pilot, another pilot who wore a southwester with a fresh complexion, about five foot six and about 30 years of age, and deponent.

Private Notes.

Roberts who kept the Trafalgar at the Sea Side knew the man with whom Shoni of Yscyborfawr was quarrelling, and who was a relation of the second pilot.

Davy of Cilverry ucha went for more money for Becca and he got a sovereign from his Uncle, who is a pilot, and he put it in his pocket but Shoni made him give up ten shillings of it.

55. NOTES by W. Chambers, junior. Undated.

1. Bill Williams who was working with Shoni in Mr. Newman's pit was in the row at Goring Thomas's keeper.

2. Griffith of Penlan attended all meetings, night and day. He gave deponent (? Shoni) money which was subscribed to pay Hugh Williams for the meeting at Mynydd Mawr. It was 2/10. He told deponent to come in Becca's dress and demand the money.

3. The stout young butcher at Llanelly put some money in his own pocket.

4. The letter sent to Mr. Chambers and Mr. Rees was sent by " Davy," who had a sore leg, living somewhere near the 5 roads. Had something to say to Margaret of the Stag and Pheasant, perhaps Stephens of Gellyfawr.

5. The worst men in the Beccas: Evan Gellyhir, Tom Morris, John the shoemaker, Morgan Saunders, and Davy of Kilverryucha.

6. Mr. Newman's attack. Tom Morris --- willing agent. Leader --- Morgan Saunders took the gun, Stag & Pheasant, and compelled every man to go with him. Morgan Lewis was working at Trimsaran.

7. Dai of Cilwnwguchaf wanted Cantwr to go to Mr. Edwards of Gellywernen.

8. Jack a guiadi brought Shoni the threatening letter to go to Spudders Bridge, and Tom Morris came to him after and was not pleased as he did not attend to the letter.

9. Stephen of the Mill and Josey of the old Mill were at Tynywern.

10. Evan of Gellyhir and his two servants. Shoni wore Evan's hat of Gellyhir to go home to Pontyberem. This was the Harbour master's job.

11. Hendy, murder, Jack y Crees, shoemaker of Llangennech. Joseph who stole the Ducks.

56. THE VOLUNTARY EXAMINATION and statement of David Davies, otherwise Dai'r Cantwr, a prisoner at Carmarthen Gaol, before Wm. Chambers, junior, and John M. Tierney of the Metropolitan Police, 17 January, 1844, relative to a proposal of sending a threatening letter to Mr. McDongal of Trimsaran.

Dai Hugh of the Star near Trimsaran sent for deponent to make a hedge round a piece of common. As he had not bought the ground deponent could not agree with him. John Williams shop asked him to stay as he might have something for him to do. Davy Hughes asked them (deponent and Shoni Yscyborfawr) down to the Star to breakfast. As they were going out Williams gave a shilling into deponent's hand, privately, and told him to call again which he did after breakfast. Williams then told him that Mr. McDougall wanted to build a company's shop there at the prompting of "Blything " the agent. Davy Hughes said that it would be no loss to Williams as he would be the head man. Davy Hughes went afterwards, and Williams sent his servant girl to the back kitchen. Williams then told deponent that he was very well taken with all the farmers about the neighbourhood, and that he was very useful in advancing money to the farmers, and they, in return, always dealt at his shop, that he sold very cheap, and that he thought a letter might stop the building of the shop, but it would have to be very sharp and severe as Blything had said that he did not care for the Rebeccas. Another letter should be written to McDougall telling him that they knew that he did not want the shop. Williams asked deponent whether he wanted anything in particular and he replied in the negative. He then said " I am not giving you anything for what you are going to do but I don't mind giving you Five pounds or more and call here at any time for a Sovereign or two, but I should like to hear that you sent this letter." Williams said the letter could be put under the office door or sent to Llanelly Post. They then went to Will Hopkins' the Bird in hand to dinner. The letter was never sent.

57. THE VOLUNTARY EXAMINATION and statement of David Davies, on the same day, relative to a proposal to shoot William Chambers, the younger.

Deponent and David, Cilferryucha, Tom Morris, William Walters' apprentice, William James, Tom Phillips of the Topsails workman who slept in his house, and Thomas Phillips himself, who went to bed in his clothes to wait for deponent that he might give him victuals, were going to Pembrey Mountain Meeting. They all met at the Stag and Pheasant. Two or three persons came up from the neighbourhood to see if all was right. They then brought on 20 or 25 people. When they were gone Tom Phillips asked what business was to be done. Deponent said he knew of nothing. Phillips then said it was a shocking thing that those men of Pontardulais had been used as they had been. " Suppose," said he" if we were to offer a sum of money for shooting Chambers." Deponent probably said he would join. When the other party came up there were several proposals, --- (1) that the hedges of the enclosure should be all thrown down, and (2) that the Pinged Marsh enclosure should be taken among the poor. They were sitting on a bank settling the pass word. " Cyfiawnder " or righteousness was fixed on. Phillips said that deponent had something else to propose and he then said that there would be £5 for whoever would shoot Mr. Chambers of Llanelly. Then the little mason, who stopped Mr. Rees in his speech at a meeting on Pembrey Mountain, asked where the money was to come from. Deponent replied that Phillips would find £2-10-0 himself and would get people to find the rest. Phillips then pointed to Davy of Kilverryucha who acknowledged by nodding his head. Phillips added that when Mr. Chambers was shot the money would be paid on the side of Llanelly Bridge.

58. THE VOLUNTARY EXAMINATION and statement of David Davies, on the same day, relative to the fire at the farm of Gellygylwnog, parish of Llanelly, 9 Sept., 1843.

There were present on the farm that night Evan Kiferissa, Will James, Evan Gellyhir, Charles of Crossant (watched with Evan on the road), Davy servant at Pantygwenyth, John Shoemaker near the Drover's Arms near the old tram road a master singer at Horeb. The latter was the man who set fire to the hay at Gellygylwnog. He had the matches at Llanelly. Davy Pantygwenith also had matches and set fire to the hay. Tom Morris said, " Davy, make haste or else the fire will be out," as they had set fire to the wrong side of the rick. Robert Rolf the keeper was at the Farmers' Arms and was alone leaving the house. He had a pony and was going towards Pontyberem. He said to Evan of Gellyhir that he expected his place would be on fire before he came home. Deponent and John Roberts (or the shoemaker) and Davy of Pantygwenith were the three who went to the rick and set fire to it. Deponent told Will James, Tom Morris, and Evan Hughes, in Welsh, not to shoot as it was Sunday morning. When deponent got to the field two guns snapped and as he turned to the gap Tom Morris's gun went off. Tom Morris told him that he had shot the horse in the flank. Deponent then ran to the oatfield and saw Davy of Pantygwenith and John the shoemaker trying to set fire to one of the field mows. He said " for God's sake do not burn the Corn as it is food for man." John the shoemaker who stuttered much said " I will try the next again," but failed to fire the mow. Dai asked Tom Morris if he killed the horse. He said " No, but I knocked him down."

After they had been to Jerry Griffiths the Guardian's house, deponent and Evan of Gellyhir were in the parlour of the Royal Exchange at Llanelly where Griffiths was telling about the attack on his house to turn the soldiers out of the Workhouse. Jeremiah said there were some first rate Beccas in his house who threatened him to get the soldiers out. He said there was a man who spoke better English than ever he had heard. Mr. Moodie of Penyvai and John Hughes of Tycanol, who were present, kept looking at deponent and laughing as if they knew all about it.

When they went to Jeremiah's house deponent stood before him with a gun on each shoulder and a gun on each side pointing towards Griffiths. His companions were Evan of Gellyhir, who formed the thing, Tom Morris, Will James, Davy of Cilferryucha, Evan of Kilferryissa, Davy of Pantygwenith, Dai Tom, mason, who worked with John Thomas old soldier works at Trimsaran.

59. THE VOLUNTARY EXAMINATION and statement of David Davies, on the same date, relative to the proposal to burn Banning's house, the farm of Tynywern, and to burn Banning therein

Deponent was one night drinking at the Stag and Pheasant. There were eight or ten present when he happened to go out to a young girl. During his absence most of the company had got off. Evan of Gellyhir told him to go to the Farmers Arms and that he would bring him some victuals. Deponent went but could not go in as the door was shut. He was afterwards called to a cross road about twenty or thirty yards away. There he found Johnny of Yscybborfawr, Will Davies, Pontyberem, Evan of Gellyhir, John the shoemaker, and another fellow named John, who was courting a young woman at Cilferryissa. Shoni and Will Davies had guns. Evan of Gellyhir gave deponent a cake and some cheese and said that he appointed them to go to Ty yn y wern and burn Banning's house and to stand at the door and not let Banning out. Deponent said he would not like to do that ---to kill the poor man and his family. Evan said Banning must be burnt and that deponent must destroy that old Chambers. Deponent asked them all round what they had against Banning. They had nothing except the shoemaker who said Banning owed him sixteen shillings. Deponent said it would be cruel to destroy a man for sixteen shillings. They all parted on a quarrel as deponent would not agree to do that.

  60. A STATEMENT by William Francis on the arrest of Dai Cantwr and Shoni Sguborfawr. Undated.

On 24 Sept. 1843, R. J. Nevill delivered deponent two warrants against John Jones, alias Shoni Yscuborfawr, and David Davies, alias Dai Cantwr. On the morning afterwards when he proceeded to execute them, deponent went to a shooting lodge belonging to Mr. Chambers called Tynywern, in the vale of Gwendraeth. He sent Jonah Davies, an under keeper of Mr. Chambers, William Edmunds, a collier, tenant of Mr. Chambers, and Walter Bowen in different directions to public houses in the neighbourhood to find out whether Shoni and Dai were there. About 7 or 8 o'clock Davies brought report that Dai was at the Stag & Pheasant and Edmund with him. The latter had orders to treat the one he found so as to keep him until deponent had information. Deponent sent Davies back and told him to report at a plantation near Cynhydrefawr after dark. Inspector Tierney joined deponent with his men and went to the plantation. Davies reported that Edmund and Dai had gone to the Plough and Harrow. He also reported that Shoni had not been seen. It was decided to arrest Dai at once. Two or three officers were placed at the back door and deponent seized Dai who was sitting near the corner by the fire, handcuffed him, and handed him to the officer. They procured a horse and cart from the man of the house and took Dai along the Llanelly road as far as the road leading from Trimsaran to the top of Pembrey mountain. There they left him under the care of 3 or 4 officers and searched for Shoni. Not finding him they returned and took Dai to Llanelly Workhouse. Next day he was taken to Carmarthen Gaol.

Shoni was arrested the next day by the London Police on the 4 follow-days deponent was engaged with Mr. Tierney in getting evidence against them, upon which evidence they were both committed and afterwards pleaded quilty and were sentenced to transportation.

Signed Wm. Francis.

61. A STATEMENT by John Jones (" Shoni Sgubor Fawr ") taken by William Francis and transmitted to F. Brown, Llanelly. Undated.

He was not sent for any particular purpose. He came to work and he worked for Mr. Neville and others. The first meeting he attended was Mynydscerrig. They had a meeting at Dyffrynbach the night they went to Evan the Weaver's. Stephen Evans was Becca that night. At his request the deponent and Griffith the tailor went to meet the Pontyeats party whose Becca was John Philip of the Mill. They all met and dressed in a field. Stephen Evans told a few of them to go and do their work tidy. Deponent, Dai, Daniel Bowen, Jack of the Star, and William the Clerk to Colebrook Works, formed a party. They were all disguised. Stephen Evans used to attend their night meetings. He never wished them to leave off. The next meeting was at the Sea Side. They were paid for coming to Llanelly by William Jenkins, Farmers' Arms. Uncle to Dai of Kilverry collected the money. The letters sent from Spudders Bridge Gate were given to deponent by Tom of the Top. Deponent did not know who wrote them. John Hugh, Tycanol, Thomas Pantygynneth, Farmer Stone, Jones Bryngorse and all the people about there used to attend the meetings at the Stag and Pheasant.

On the night of the fire at Tynywern deponent was courting at Pantrefach. Evan Treharne and John Meredith came and said deponent was a bloody sh-t unless he attended the meeting at Dyffrynbach. He went with them to Dyffrynbach where there had been a large meeting. Deponent met Dd. Morris, collier, Pontyberem, Griffith Daniel who lived in Company's Row, Daniel Bow, John Bowen. William, the Clerk of the Works, was there and (John of the Mill John Phillip) he was the Becca of the Pontyeats Party at Dyffrynbach. They called at a farm supposed to be Caepompren and David Morris asked him for a gun which he gave. To their question he replied that there were no soldiers at Tynywern. Morgan or Thomas a moulder at Pontyberem was there at the fire with them. Deponent went to the house, the others to the ricks and stable. No one went to the loft to pull the boy or to the stable for the horse. They did not know of either until they heard the horse cry out. Daniel Bowen brought a handful of fire to set fire to the house, but deponent stopped him. The pigs jumped out of the straw. Daniel Bowen tried to kill them, William the Clerk was the last person away from the fire. All deponent knew of the Mansant fire was that William Davies told him that he and another man were drinking at the Square and Compass. When the people came in they said they were going to watch Mansant. Deponent went out with a Pontyeats man. They set fire to the farm. The conversation at the Stag and Pheasant was respecting tithes, taxes, rent, and rates. It was no one in particular who first proposed shooting Mr. Wm. [Chambers].

62. A MEMORANDUM concerning the apprehension of John Jones and David Davies. Undated.

On 25 September Mr. Nevill requested Mr. Brown (magistrates' clerk) to attend at his office with William Francis. They had a long consultation as to the outrage committed the preceding Saturday at Mr. Newman's. The following day, on the deposition of one David Lewis, Mr. Nevill granted warrants against John Jones and David Davies, which were placed in the hands of William Francis to take to Pontyberem where the London police were stationed. Mr. Nevill instructed Francis to see Mr. McDougal of Trimsaran and use his best endeavours to obtain further evidence. Francis prevailed upon Thomas Philipps of Topsail (not to be disclosed) after a long conversation to disclose the names of a great many persons who were implicated in outrages committed in the neighbourhood. Francis and John Brown, constable, were employed in seeking evidence on the 26th, 27th, and 28th. On the night of the last day Francis accompanied the London police in searching houses in the Gwendraeth Vale and succeeded in capturing David Davies. The next day and night he was engaged in summoning witnesses to appear at Carmarthen on Saturday the 30th. On that day Francis paid 17 witnesses five shillings each (£4-5-0). They attended again on Monday and Francis paid for refreshments for them. On Thursday, the 5th, 19 witnesses were summoned to give evidence respecting Spudders Bridge Tollhouse and paid them 5s. each besides their refreshments.

63. A LETTER from James Brown of Cwm Celyn and Blaina Iron [works], Abergavenny, to William Chambers, junior,    [January, 1844]. Mutilated.

The writer had a letter from John Jones alias Scyborfawr, begging his aid in getting a commutation of the sentence of transportation for life. He has known him the last 25 years and as he had exerted himself a few years previously (when he was a private in the 98th Foot stationed there to suppress Scotch Cattle depredators as well as to protect the writer and his family from the summary vengeance of the mob) in procuring private information for the authorities there, the writer felt anxious to assist him. The last two or three years he had been out of his observation. He was of the opinion that he had been made the willing scapegoat of others. Jones, being fond of prize fighting and its concomitant evils was never a sticker to his work but at bottom he was possessed of parts and feelings very different from men who usually follow the course of life he had been leading. Wales had read the great lesson attempted so often in the sister country of " Hereditary Bondsmen know ye not who would be free themselves must strike the Blow . . . " The ends of justice would be fully answered by a very much shorter period of punishment.

64. A LETTER from George Rice Trevor, from Barrington Park, to William Chambers, junior, 27 January, 1844.

He was as desirous as the recipient could be that every possible information should be derived from both Schoni Skibben vawr and Dai Cantwr, but doubted the policy of marking either of them out, or the three men convicted of the Pontardulais business, for anything that might appear like undue lenity. He would go to the Home Office and mention what the recipient said. The difficulty was arriving at legal evidence, though it would be useful to find out who were concerned in the outrages, even if they could not convict them.

65. A LETTER from J. M. Tierney, inspector, from Jones's Printing Office, Priory Street, Carmarthen, to William Chambers, junior, 20 February, 1844.

He was sent for by " Doctor Laurence " the landlord of the man whose house they went to on the previous Sunday night. The man's wife was there to complain about the loss of £15 from a teapot, blaming the two persons who came in at the back window. The matter, although a perfect lie, was very unpleasant. The two persons that went in at the back window were the officer of the 73d. and Mr. W. Gardner, She positively accused the latter. The wretched woman was about to make an accusation against the writer that he put his hands on her daughter. He was in the recipient's presence all the time and hoped he could vouch for the truth or falsehood of the accusation. He certainly took hold of her, and, he believed, the father and mother, to keep them from making such dreadful noise lest they should collect a crowd, but nothing farther. He could see what dreadful characters they were.

66. A LETTER from George Rice Trevor, from Hyde Park Gardens, to [William Chambers, junior], 23 February, 1844.

He could not go to the Home Office to speak about their being removed to the Model Prison until he had the statements made by John Jones and David Davies. He hoped that the rewards were in train. The Committee to decide on the proportions would consist of the committing magistrates with power to add to their numbers

67. A LETTER from Henry Lawrence of Carmarthen to W. Chambers, junior, 24 February, 1844.

His tenant's wife of Kilferry informed him that two window frames and windows had been broken down and the damage had been rated at one pound. She also complained of a robbery of £15 from the dairy. He thought it due to the person or persons who entered the dairy to put that right and that the damage to the windows should be repaired by the persons committing the injury.

6 8-9. TWO LETTERS from " a well wisher " to William Chamber, esqr., Llanneley, 27 February, 1844.

He informs the recipient about the " releshon of the Becca your enemise that you may now them," and about sheep which he had lost.

70. A COPY OF A LETTER sent by William Chambers to Dr. Lawrence in reply to No.67, 28 February, 1844,

Tierney having failed to execute a warrant issued against one of the family of the tenant of Kilferry consulted the writer as to his proceedings. They went together, and the writer told the tenants to open the door, and what their business was. The writer went to the window with a lamp to shew himself to the wife, and she absolutely refused to open the door. He ordered the door to be forced, having used the greatest forbearance, charged her in the Queen's name, and told her he had a warrant for her son. A policeman finding that the window would give way sooner than the door forced it in. The back window of the dairy was forced and entered by the person whom she supposed or rather pretended to say took £15. When the charge was made the writer offered to search the person which they said was no use as he might have handed it to some one outside. With regard to the damage done to the windows who did he expect was to pay for it ? All there acted under the writer's instructions to get into the house as speedily as possible. The people had nobody to thank but themselves. He would not have given this explanation to any but a gentleman from whom he had always met the greatest courtesy in sporting and other matters connected with that very farm.

71. A LETTER from G. R. Trevor to [William Chambers, junior], 28 February, 1844.

He thanks him for the papers. He will consult the Secretary of State upon them. The utmost secrecy ought to be observed respecting their contents.

72. A LETTER from H. Westlake, governor of Carmarthen County Gaol to W. Chambers, junior, 14 December, 1844.

Sir,

According to your wish I have been able this Day To obtain this Note I have sent you a copy of it and the person that I have employed in the affair tell me there is no doubt but he will confes every thing concerning your farms if it is put hard to him. I have gave my word to this person that i will give him something for is Trouble the day he is discharged that is on the 21st of Dec. '44 if there is anything else you can mention it should be put to him has quick as possible for it seems by the copy I have sent you that he is afraid of it I was Informed to day that he knows all about the Roberry of old John Evans of Gellyglyd your answer will greatly Oblige I am in hopes of getting more out of him To morrow

P.S. I have Kept the Letter in my possession untill I here from you sir." H. W.

73. A LETTER from John Richards to his brother Thomas Richards, Close isha, Llanarthney, 14 December, 1844, presumably the note referred to in No. 72.

" I have been informed that there is something has told by some person or persons I dont know who they are, but tell you to David Evans Bedw not to tell nothing about any thing that he knows about Mr. Chambers fire, but if he or any one other tells nothing of this concern. I will tell all about everything that has happened. Dr. Brother dont mention this to any one only to D. Evans, and tell him not to tell nothing about the fire nor nothing else, I also beg you and D. Evans to come over next Tuesday or Friday, and to let me know all about it. so no more but hope that you are Quite well as it leaves me ... "

74. A LETTER from H. Westlake to W. Chambers, junior, 17 December, 1844.

" Sir

I have to Inform you that there was a young woman came to see John Richards with an order from Dl. Prytherech Esqr to day but I did not a low her and I informed Dl. Prytherech Esqr of it the Prisoner has been informed by some one that there was some Person came to see him but would not be alowed to see him but is statement is to day that he intend to write to you and split on them that is talking about him in the country I am informed that he wishes to send you the Letter un known to mee if he can if he sends for you sir the sooner you can come the better for fear he should get a hint of it for I have several Deep customers in this Place he has been making great inquiry to know who are the worst of the parties that is talking a bout him in the country so that he should be able to impeach th most on if you should know any more of is companions it would be well to furnish me with there Names ... "

7 5. A CIRCULAR from the Secretary of the Public Works Loan Commissioners to William Chambers, junior, 27 February, 1845.

The Public Works Commissioners have appointed 15 March 1845 for the payment of sums of money fixed by the Award of the South Wales Turnpike Trusts Commissioners in respect of the Kidwelly (Loughor Bridge) Trust No. 53. £150 with interest of 18s. would be paid to the recipient..

76. A LETTER from J. Love to [William Chambers, junior], 1 April, 1845

He encloses a copy of information which he has received and which showed that a very hostile feeling existed against the recipient in his neighbourhood.

77. A CONFIDENTIAL STATEMENT enclosed with No. 76.

A farmer told a Kidwelly seedswoman at the house of John Jones, mason, Llanddarog, that John Skiborfawr had proved himself a good prophet and that his prophecy would soon be accomplished inasmuch as Shoni had said that Mr. Chambers would be a dead man. " They are not to suppose that Becca is dead --- Oh, No, far from that, she is as alive as ever, and you may depend she will make them know that, as preparation are being made amongst the colliers about Cwm Mawr and Mynydd Mawr." They had great animosity against the family at Cwm Mawr. The daughter of John Jones said Becca went to Cwm Mawr to pull the house down but someone persuaded the others, out of pity for the old gentleman, not to do it. The farmer replied " Well, you shall see how it will be done next time."

78. ROUGH MEMORANDA of complaints before Grievance Commissioners at Carmarthen. Undated.

Rough pencil notes by William Chambers, junior, with a fair copy of the substance of the statement on Turnpike Tolls and County Bridges printed in the Report of the Commissioners of Inquiry for South Wales (p. 362-3). The pencil notes are very scrappy.

" General causes: Want of confidence in honesty & capabilities of Magistrates & Trustees & Clergy; this letter has caused dissent. Land let higher in consequence of so much more competition than in England. Farmers' sons must mostly all be farmers --- difference in language preventing them from migrating.

Magistrates were not consulted generally on appointment of new commissions.

Country affected by depreciation of cattle . . . have very little knowledge of agriculture; few resident gentry to set example in farming. Can't get Welsh tenants to agree to any alternation of crops. Existence of different language prevents them receiving new impressions or ideas thro' medium of Welsh publications, & they may shape information according to their own bias. Strong nationality makes them also look with suspicions on any thing Saxon. Difference of religion tends to keep up a feeling of distrust, seeing that the main body of inhabitants are dissenters.

The working of the poor law they do not well understand, & the country guardians have not the ability to understand explanations of an English chairman or assistant poor law commissioners. I suspect their opposition is not quite honest; 'tis to have again the payment of the paupers which was often done by the overseer (an office seldom objected to be taken) in kind instead of money, bad in quality & short in quantity. The rate per head of the keep of each pauper in Llanelly Union is gradually reducing & the master confidently expects by the work of the inmates to be able to pay for the food of the establishment.

Saunders. No complaints in writing taken down. Blank warrants. Surveyor being a tenant of a trustee cannot do his duty. Men of parish were agreed to be employed. He will not do it.

Surveyor incompetent, kept because S: tenant (& his wife useful) who wont discharge him; incompetency proved, salary reduced.

Cast iron gate posts, relation ironmonger in Bristol, plenty of casthouses at Welsh ironworks. Hills cut down in his neighbourhood. S. paid work people because he admitted surveyor not to be trusted. Footpath & posts by his house. Phyle. Supported by magistrates and trustees who . . . vote with him. Takes fees, no magistrates clerks, & decides in favour of complainant, & race always who shall get to magistrate first. Threatened a man in his accts. as overseer when he was going to poll contrary side to his wishes. Surcharged a man & told him so for having ridden canvassing when year before he excused him ... Get out damned rascal on bench.

Magistrates.

Foreman of grand jury went out otter hunting with bills in his pocket. The coarseness, violence, & vulgarity of the aboriginal justices disgust any man of gentlemanly feeling from acting with them.

Clergy.

Evans Pembrey. Drunk doing duty. Fell into grave. Drowned a man. Broke a man's head with a pot for mentioning it to him. Conduct at wrecks ... Bacchus. N.B. A magistrate's waggon at a previous wreck.

Morris Llanelly. Thomas' Arms affair. Conduct to my father, wild beast show. Bought piece of land. Croslon. Living now sequestered to pay debts. Tithe agent induced farmers to sign consents, false representation.

Powel Lanon. Call on gauge & take a quart. Steal tobacco. no old tricks. formerly dissenting minister. Burgess ordained all popular ones as a stopper.

Gwynn St. Ishmael.  Forged man's name to a bill. N.B. a magistrate by the last commission.

Tithes.
In Llanelly parish a local act; now paying between 3s. 6d. & 5s. 6d. in the pound of rent. Farmers were induced to sign being told w'd not exceed 1s. 6d. to 1s. 9d. in the pound. average of country 1s. 6d. (this is a local grievance). no rectory --- All tithes in hands of laymen. vicars receive small stipends, are uneducated men. In a family, eldest farmer --- second carpenter, &c, sharpest lawyer --- weakest parson."

79. A COPY of a Riot Act proclamation.

80. A LETTER from R. R. W. Lingen from Swansea to W. Chambers, junior. Undated.

He returns the Rebecca documents with many thanks.

81-3. PAPERS relating to education in Llanelly, Carmarthenshire, and West Glamorgan (1846-7) and to a literary club at Cwmystwyth, Cardiganshire (after 1853).

End of article

This article has been extracted by Gareth Hicks (July 2004) with the permission of the Carmarthenshire Antiquarian Society from original material provided by Deric John.

THE LOG BOOKS OF FERRYSIDE SCHOOL 1889-1937

By DILYS JENKINS and Roy DAVIES

THE GROWTH OF FERRYSIDE from a small, scattered settlement to a vital, bustling community was largely due to the development of the railways. The tidal waters of the River Towy were kept at bay by the embankment and, as a result, more dwelling houses were built and the increase in population warranted the building of a school.

This was undertaken in 1856 by the Church Commissioners on land measuring one rood thirty six perches which was the property of John Frederick Cambell, Earl of Cawdor, and John Frederick Vaughan Campbell commonly called Viscount Emlyn of Golden Grove. The trust deed states that the building was to be used as a school for the education of children and adults or children only of the labouring, manufacturing and other poorer classes in the parish of St. Ishmael.

The management committee was composed of the Minister, Curate and Churchwarden together with seven others who were elected as required by members of the Church of England in the parish. Each parishioner was entitled to one vote for every sum of 10/- which he had contributed to the school funds up to a limit of six votes per person.

Members of the management committee were required to donate at least 21/- per annum to the school, to be members of the Church, to have a beneficial interest in property or to be resident in the parish of St. Ishmael.

The first members of the committee were -

Rees Goring Thomas the elder and Rees Goring Thomas the younger, both of Iscoed.
Apsley Smith of Ferryside. Esquire.
Evan Stephens of Bertwn and Thomas Humphreys of Danylan. Gentlemen.
Walter Brown and Richard Kyrke Penson both of Ferryside. Gentlemen.
Benjamin Jones of Penlan. Farmer.

Contemporary prints show the school building much as it is today except that the bell tower which once graced the centre of the structure has been removed. A cloaked clergyman appears in the picture and the spirited horseman on the road in front of the school has been superseded by the motor car.

Log books from the commencement of the school in 1856 are missing and the first entry is dated September 18th 1889 when W. H. Mitchell who had been headmaster since January 1880 recorded that the attendance was very good. 113 pupils were registered and the average attendance for the year was 105.5.

The remarks of Her Majesty's Inspectors who visited the school make it obvious that the construction of the building left much to be desired. Partitions were needed to separate the classes, the condition of the roof was considered dangerous and stones and boulders littered the playground which was often under water. The doors were ill fitting, there were complaints that the rooms were frequently in a dirty state and that the condition of the outside offices was deplorable. It is interesting to note that today the playground is still subject to flooding, the roof is constantly in need of attention and the doors are still ill fitting. The infant class would appear to have suffered most. Between 25 and 43 small children were taught in a room measuring 12 foot x 10 foot and it was not until February 1898 after much agitation that small desks were provided for them.

The inside temperature of the school also caused concern and on January 25th 1907 the temperature of the main room was 2°F below freezing point. In summer it could rise to 82°F but on these occasions it was the pratice (sic) to hold the classes under the trees in the school garden. Electric light was not installed until 1923 and teachers and pupils had to wait until 1929 for a proper system of heating.

Looking at the school today it is hard to imagine that up to 145 pupils could be crammed into such a small space and it is not surprising that under such conditions infection was rife. In September 1890, 55 pupils were absent suffering from Whooping Cough ; on a number of occasions the school was closed because of Measles ; whole families were absent for months at a time on account of Diphtheria and on November 12th 1894 Dr. Bowen Jones visited the school in connection with the spread of Scarlet Fever. He examined the hands of everey (sic) child present. Other common medical reasons for absence included Typhoid Fever, Impetigo, Scabies, Epidemic Sickness and Ringworm.

Other reasons for absence vary. John Brown's Fair at Carmarthen, sheep shearing at Cwm Mill, the annual influx of visitors from Swindon and potato digging are among the most frequent excuses encountered. Perhaps the most poignant of all is the entry for December 2nd 1937.

" Tommy Thomas absent. No boots ".

An annual distribution of clothing and vouchers for free boots was made throughout most of the period covered by the log books and in January 1896 a free soup kitchen was established with 85 scholars being provided with soup through the generosity of D. W. Drummond, Esq., who lived at Portiscliff.

In addition to individual absences frequent holidays or half holidays were granted for a variety of reasons at the discretion of the headmaster. These included the annual visit of the militia (complete with band) to the village, Sunday School treats, the anniversary of the founding of the Ferryside Branch of the Ivorites Friendly Society, meetings of the hounds and the Kidwelly Fair. Occasional holidays were also given for religious revivalist meetings, exceptionally good attendance at school and satisfactory examination results.

The school was supervised by Her Majesty's Inspectors and by Inspectors from the Diocese. These annual reports are particularly interesting because of their marked difference. The comments on the religious teaching are, without exception, complimentary. The tone of the school is invariably found to be good and the pupils well taught. Both Bishop's and Scholar's certificates were awarded in satisfactory numbers. On the other hand, the remarks of Her Majesty's Inspectors of Schools show that the state of the buildings and the secular teaching were below standard. It is evident that the school managers were not taking an active interest and H.M.I's report for the year 1890 states,
" Great improvement throughout the school will be expected another year in order to obtain the summary mark 'Fair'  ''.

A running battle was fought with the deficiencies of the building and the deterioration of the equipment. On August 12th 1912 the cleaner complained of the leaking condition of the buckets in the girls' toilets and a requisition was sent through the correspondent for

(a) A fresh supply of buckets.
(b) Four padlocks.
(c) Suitable water tap and repair of pipe.
(d) New school clock (second application).

Modest as these requirements might seem the list was returned on September 12th with instructions to reduce the order by one third.

The difficulties of the headmaster *H. V. Mitchell (advised Oct 2013 - should be W H Mitchell) were not lessened by the lack of teaching staff, which was acute. In 1903 the staff of the school was follows.

43 infants (still in their room measuring l2ft. x 10ft.) were taught by Willie Wilson (advised Oct 2013 - should be Lillie Wilson), a first year pupil teacher, assisted by monitors. 20 Standard 1 pupils were taught by a monitress. 22 Standard 2 pupils were taught by Harry Mitchell (the son of the headmaster who later succeeded to the headship when his father retired) a first year pupil teacher.
Standards 3 to 7 totalling 58 were taught by the headmaster.

In spite of the shortage of staff and over-crowded accommodation the scholastic work was ambitious and the subjects taken seem advanced in comparison with the curriculum of village schools today. In 1891 Latin and Greek were taught to Standards 6 and 7. In 1900 Algebra and Geometry and in 1901 Shorthand and Typewriting were started.

In September 1906 Willie Williams obtained Pitman's Second or Theory Certificate for Shorthand. Emphasis was placed on proficiency in sewing and these lessons were taken very seriously. Several entries in the log record that the girls had to be cautioned for talking during their " garments " classes.

Physical exercise was not ignored and military drill was part of the boys' training with particular attention paid to the art of " turning ". There was a boys' soccer team and a girls' hockey team and in the absence of playing fields both these games were played on the beach. In 1901 when sufficient money had been raised by voluntary effort a piano was bought and physical exercises to music became a regular feature of the school day.

In addition to formal teaching advantage was taken of the educational opportunities to be found in the surrounding countryside. Boys were taken on rambles and the girls made visits to local farms where they were instructed in the art of cheese making. Competitions were organised and on one occasion Richard Lewis won first prize for producing sixty different varieties of May flowers.

One unusual venture for a primary school proved very popular. In 1917 the headmaster applied to the Education Committee for permission to hold a Day School Garden. A plot of land near Holcwm, about ten minutes walk from the school, was secured and the boys set about digging and trenching. Garden classes were held for two hours each day and were greatly enjoyed by the children.

Little reference is made in the log books to the teaching of Welsh although from time to time there are suggestions that the study of Welsh literature should be extended. In 1925 a survey was carried out which revealed the following state of affairs.

29 children spoke Welsh at home.
50 children spoke English at home.
23 children spoke both languages at home.

A comparable survey carried out in 1970 shows that of the pupils at present attending Ferryside school only 4 speak Welsh at home.

The log books are by no means a dry and dusty account of scholastic achievements and Inspectors' reports and criticisms. They are enlivened by stories of local events and one wonders at the drama which lay behind some of the entries.

June 27th 1906. A sudden earth tremor occurred at 9-45 a.m. The children were much frightened but quickly recovered themselves.

On April 17th 1912 and again on June 29th 1927 pupils watched the eclipse of the sun. On the latter occasion they witnessed the phenomenon from Trecor Hill and noted that during the eclipse the temperature dropped 12°F.

Wednesday July 7th 1897. All the children were marched up to the shop of Mr. Jonah Thomas during the morning playtime to view a sturgeon caught this day. This fish weighed 3cwt. 3qtrs. was 10 feet long and 56 inches in girth.

July 16th 1926 Emily House 13 yrs. 10 mths. weighed 130lbs.

March 5th 1909. " Ajax " known as the " strong man " visited the school and gave examples of physical exercises and an exhibition of feats of strength.

Close study of the log books reveals several interesting points.

1. A certain discrimination between boys and girls is evident. An impression is gained that academic subjects were considered more suitable for boys and a great deal of the girls' time was spent darning and making    "garments ". During playtime the boys were separated from the girls in different play grounds and the gate between them was locked.

2. Latin, Greek, Algebra and Geometry were taught in this village school as a routine and Shorthand and Typewriting were available for those who might benefit from these subjects.

3. Present day religious teaching has become less sectarian and for the first time in its history the school has a nonconformist headmaster. The following letter shows clearly the feelings of one person on this subject.

Dated December 18th 1905.

Dear Mr. Mitchell,

Until this notice is withdrawn I desire you to refrain from giving religious instruction to my child Margaret W. E. Morgan. This is not meant as a reflection upon you but as a protest against the misleading statements made in St. Thomas' Church Sunday week. In the future the despised nonconformist shall give her religious instruction.

Yours truly,

Joseph Morgan.

4. During the period covered by the log books children remained at the village school until they were 14. Today they leave at the age of 11. Bearing this in mind it is interesting to note that for the past eighty years the number of pupils attending this school has remained fairly constant at or around one hundred.

5. Many of the old names appearing in the early log books are still in evidence in the registers of the present day.

We are greatly indebted to the Vicar of Ferryside, the Rev. Charles Bowen Jones for allowing us to examine the trust deed of the school dated 1856.

This article has been extracted by Gareth Hicks (July 2004) with the permission of the Carmarthenshire Antiquarian Society from original material provided by Deric John.

THE CANALS OF THE GWENDRAETH VALLEY (Part I)

By W. H. MORRIS, M.A.

Thomas Kymer's Canal

THE FIRST CANAL 1  in the Gwendraeth valley was built by Thomas Kymer of Pembrokeshire 2 between 1766 and 1768 to carry his coal from pits and levels at Pwll y Llygod and Great Forest (near Carway) to a shipping place on the lesser Gwendraeth river, below Kidwelly. His mining venture in this area started in June 1760  3 with the opening of a trial level at Pwll y Llygod and within a couple of years he was sending his anthracite and culm down the greater Gwendraeth river for shipment chiefly to West of England ports, and to Ireland. Much of the success of the enterprise was due to his foresight in providing an adequate number of barges and loading places to expedite the carriage of the coal down the river 4 but, as more pits tapped the rich seams of anthracite, it became apparent that the successful expansion of his trade demanded a swifter and surer means of transport than the river could offer. In parts it was narrow and tortuous and the barges were manoeuvred down it with difficulty. It was navigable only at high tides and its channel into the estuary subject to shifts of direction. The delivery of coal was uncertain and ships were kept waiting sometimes as long as two months.

To overcome these drawbacks, Kymer petitioned Parliament in January 1766   5  for power to construct, at his own expense,    " a navigable cut or canal ", the scheme being outlined to the committee by his surveyor Richard Evans. It was to run from a place called Ythyn Frenig on the south bank of the lesser Gwendraeth, below Kidwelly, and to terminate at Pwll y Llygod on the greater Gwendraeth. The Act (6 Geo. III c. 55) was obtained on February 19th and contained the liberty of diverting the course of the greater Gwendraeth between Spudders Bridge and Pwll y Llygod. Local gentry and landowners were appointed as Commissioners to ensure the execution of the powers of the Act. Their first meeting was held on March 12th at the Pelican Inn in Kidwelly, proprietor Abraham Hughes. 6

During the next few months leases were obtained from the owners of land through which the canal was to run. 7  A lease on September 12th 1766 by Richard Vaughan of Golden Grove, lord of the manor of Kidwelly, reveals that work on diverting the course of the greater Gwendraeth was already well advanced. The lands he granted were a piece of marsh above Spudders Bridge " wherein a channel for Great Gwendraeth has lately been dug and the course of the said river turned therein ": a part of the marsh adjoining Morfa Bach " wherein the said Great Gwendraeth used to run and now set out for part of the said canal ": a small piece of marsh on Morfa Bach beginning " at the part of the said canal and extending over the marsh to a place where the canal is set out to enter ". The remaining stretch extended from the field of Park Llong to Muddlescombe where a stream called Cwm Hed marked the boundary between Vaughan's land, as part of the manor, and a small area of common land owned by the Corporation of Kidwelly.

Progress on the canal itself is revealed in letters written in 1768   8 to Kymer by Richard Evans his surveyor and manager of the whole enterprise. On February 9th he announced that the towing path was ready for gravelling. By May the canal was in full operation. On the 26th he wrote : " We get down now about 10 Hundred the Day. Tis a very dry time and the Canal is sunk very low so that the Barges cant above three parts load ". In the same letter he reported progress on the canal quay on the south bank of the lesser Gwendraeth : " Masons are now raising the Parapet of the Main Wall of the Quay the West Side, the sluice Wall the East and West sides are finished to their Height and have got the Timber the West side down and the Wall rose about two feet. I have taken down the Crane at Holloway Quay and shall fix it on the Canal Quay till the other crane can be got ready as the loaders now can't keep the Boats at work ". On June 6th: " Went down to the Quay the Masons raising the Parapet Wall the East side and raising a scaffold got the Timber in all round the posts with Ring Bolts to moor the Vessells. Bloomer and 20 men clearing the East Dock down to its depth ". On the 16th of June he wrote, enthusiastically : " The Canal is quite a Bumper the Barges now come down full load so we can carry 10 or 11 Hundred every trip ".

There were two passing places for the barges, one below Muddlescombe, the other at Morfa ; 9 there was also a large turning bay near the wharf at the Pwll y Llygod end. The erection of bridges followed quickly ; below Kidwelly to allow access to the estuary for cocklers and fishermen (Pont y Cocks) and at Morris Cross (near Tycoch) for the Kidwelly-Penbre road. For the convenience of farmers there was one below Muddlescombe and another at Parc y Llong, both wooden. In 1770 work was completed on a stone bridge near Morfa farm, which carried the Kidwelly-Llanelli turnpike road. At Pwll y Llygod   10  a single span, across the river, conveyed a tramroad from the wharf to the pits in the vicinity of the farm.

The width of the canal, excluding the towing path and bulwarks, was 26 feet and its total length 3 miles, with no locks. The size of the barges cannot be determined but that their use was not confined to the canal is evident from Evans's letters where he refers to some of them being loaded with timber at St. Clears.  11 Most of them were given names with local associations: Muddlescombe, Robeston (after Kymer's residence in Pembrokeshire), Golden Grove, Kidwelly, Great Forest, Bedford (after a ship's carpenter and boat builder in Carmarthen).

The canal soon justified its creation. The quick, reliable delivery it now offered attracted new orders from Ireland, from North Wales, from the western, southern and eastern counties of England, and occasionally from the Continent. 12  Evans found himself very busy. On April 1st 1770,  13  he wrote: "We dispatch 'em as fast as they come in Last Week we loaded near Sixty Hundred and this week could Load 12 or 14 Hundred every Day ". Not a little of this success seems to have been due to his own energy and efficiency. In the same letter he wrote : " If  quick Dispatch and good usage will give encouragement to Vessels to come here they shall not want for that ".

Trade was busiest in Spring and Summer. At times as many as 25 ships crowded the river between the stemming post at the Bertwn and the  canal quay. waiting their turn to load. Winter brought a sharp decline in activity and there were times when Evans wrote despondently of an empty river and a deserted quay, of easterly winds holding stubbornly for days and keeping the coal ships waiting at Tenby. In one such slack period,  mindful of the return of trade in the Spring, he took the opportunity of emptying the canal and clearing its bed of stones and debris. 14

Kymer died in 1784 and was buried in the chancel of the parish church of St Mary, Kidwelly. 15 The enterprise was carried on by his four sisters 16   but towards the close of the century there was a falling off in activity owing to the silting of the river and the loss of its channel into the Towy and Carmarthen Bay. In the early years of the following century, however, it was to become part of a more complex and ambitious scheme of canal building in the Gwendraeth valley.

The Earl o f Ashburnham's Canal

The Ashburnhams were modest Sussex gentry in the middle of the 17th century ; within less than a hundred years they were the possessors of an earldom and extensive estates in Wales, Bedfordshire, Suffolk, Lancashire and elsewhere. Their success was due largely to profitable marriage ventures but they were also shrewd business men and keen developers of the resources of their estates. The properties in Breconshire and south-east Carmarthenshire were acquired through the marriage in 1677 of John, created first Lord of Ashburnham in 1689, 17 to Bridget only daughter and heiress of Walter Vaughan of Porthamel House, near Talgarth, a descendant of the Golden Grove family. 18 On the Penbre estate of the Vaughans Lord Ashburnham enthusiastically ordered trial workings to discover coal. 19  These were successful and levels and pits were opened in Coed y Marchog and Coed Rhial on the western slope of Penbre mountain. The coal was carried by pack horse to the estuary of the Gwendraeth and to the Burry inlet and shipped mainly to west of England counties, and to Ireland . 20 The management of the colliery was controlled by the family through agents who lived at Court House, Penbre.

It was John (1724-1812) the second earl who, impressed by the success of Kymer's venture, put forward a scheme for the building of a canal from the foot of Penbre mountain to the Gwendraeth estuary. This was balked by his colliers, who were apt at times to be recalcitrant. Their opposition to the scheme was based, as the earl observed in a letter to his agent in 1770, 21 largely on self interest ; a canal would deprive them of the use of their horses employed in carrying away the coal.

It was not until the last decade of the century that he succeeded in carrying out his scheme. The first stretch, starting below Coed farm and close to the Llandyry-Pinged road, was probably begun in 1796. The Colliery Account book records for that year a payment to Griffith Jenkins and Co., for canal cutting, the purchase of barges, the construction of a railed way to the canal, and the making of a towing path. 22  By 1799 it had been extended across the Kidwelly-Penbre road, near Saltrock farm, and had reached, and cut through, a bulwark on the confines of the marsh. In the summer of 1801 Thomas Christopher and partners were cutting it through the marsh and by the end of the year it had terminated at Pill Towyn a creek running in from the south bank of the Gwendraeth Fawr. On a short fork at the head of the creek two shipping places were built, one of them called Pill Ddu. 23

Its total length was about two miles, with no locks. Several accomodation bridges had to be built, one of them conveying a track way between Penybedd and Tygwyn. In 1805 a short branch was constructed towards Ffrwd when new levels were opened in Coed Rhial. 24  Shipments continued to be made up to 1818 and also maintenance and repair work.  25   A dry dock was added in 1817 and the entrance to Pill Ddu  deepened the previous year. On January 10th 1818, however, John Hay, who had for several years been closely associated with the working of the colliery and the operating of the canal, wrote to the earl warning him that the colliery was almost exhausted, " as well in regard to its material as the Coal ". 26 Shortly after this the canal seems to have gone out of use.

NOTES

( Kymer's Canal)

1. Charles Hadfield, The Canals of South Wales and the Border, 1960, page 16, considers it, along with a short stretch from Llwynhendy to Dafen, to be the first authentic canal in South Wales.

2. He was born on July 17th 1722, the only son of Thomas and Mary Kymer of Haverfordwest. Admitted  to Lincoln's Inn on July 27th 1739, and inherited Robeston Hall in Pembrokeshire from an uncle, Hugh Fowler. Became a burgess of Kidwelly in 1759 and Recorder on October 23rd 1780 ; also Recorder of Carmarthen.

3. Dynevor Muniments (Kymer documents) 1/1: Carmarthen Record Office: Information from a letter (12th Nov. 1761) to Kymer from David Jones (Pistyll Gwyn) his agent at Kidwelly.Letters from Jones indicate that Kymer, before his venture into mining, was engaged in the timber trade. He dismissed Jones for incompetence and fraud.

4. Ibid:  In the course of a letter (Feb. 1764) setting out charges against David Jones, he attributed the closing down of several collieries in Pembrokeshire to the failure to provide adequate facilities for the transport of coal from the pits. There were quays  or loading places at the following: Pwll y Llygod, Glasbury, Penybank, Frankland and  Holloway.

5. Journal of the  House of Commons, xxx, page 465, 20 January 1766.

6.  Dynevor Muniments (Kymer documents) 14/1: Order Book of Commissioners 1766-1782, Carmarthen Record Office.

7.   Ibid: 19/12: 19/13: 19/14: 19/17: From the Corporation of Kidwelly (4th Oct 1764?) to Frances Williams of Chester, widow of Kyffin Williams, (10th Apr. 1766): Rev Jeremy Pemberton of Trumpington, Cambridge, (10th Apr. 1766): Richard Vaughan of Golden Grove (12th Sept. 1766).

8. Ibid: 3/5: also 7/1 (1770): 9/1 (1771): 10/1 (1772). They are addressed to Kymer at Robeston Hall (Pembs.), London (St. James's Coffee House), and Newton. When in Kidwelly, Kymer lived in a rented house at Pinged Hill (cf. the present Kymers Villa) and occasionally at Glyn Abbey in the neighbourhood.
The Kymer documents in the Dynevor collection in Carmarthen Record Office give no details of the work of cutting the canal nor any indication of its total cost.

9.  At the now derelict Morfa Halt on the former Burry Port and Gwendraeth Railway

10.  Evans reports the construction of a flood gate at Pwll y Llygod : " Done the Flood gate at Pwll y Llygod better than we first expected (as we got hot Aberthaw lime) ": Dynevor Muniments (Kymer documents) 9/1. (13th Feb. 1771).

11. Ibid. 10/1. (1772).

12. Ibid. 7/1. (Dec. 11th 1770). Evans refers to the freighting of two Danish ships to load culm for Portugal.

13. Ibid. 7/ 1.

14. Ibid. 7/1. (Nov. 8th and 10th 1770).

15.  His Will was dated Aug. 14th 1782 and proved (P.C.C.) on April 16th 1785. He enjoined that he should be buried ten feet deep in the chancel and commemorated with an inscription on a square of Welsh marble, giving the year of his birth and death. He bequeathed to George Talbot Rice son of his " dear and esteemed friend the late Right Honorable George Rice " an oil painting of himself in Chinese dress painted about 1754 by Hamilton of St. James Street, London " at that time esteemed a very strong resemblance of me ". This is now in the possession of the present Lord Dynevor. He was unmarried. The Parish registers of St. Mary record the baptism in June 1758 of "Hugh reputed son of Mr. Kymer ".

16.  Martha, Mary, Hester and Dorothy. They were all unmarried. Mary, the last survivor, died at Kidwelly in 1823, aged 90, and the estate thereupon passed by the terms of the will to George Talbot Rice (3rd. Baron Dynevor).

(The Earl of Ashburnham's canal)

17. The Baronetcy was created on March 20th 1689 for services to William of Orange. John died in 1710. The second lord was William who was succeeded by his brother John. He was created first earl of Ashburnham in 1730. The title became extinct in 1924.

18. Walter was the son of Frederick Vaughan and grandson of Sir Walter Vaughan (c. 1580-1636) brother of the first earl of Carbery. Sir Walter founded the Llanelli branch of the family through his marriage to Ann daughter of Thomas Lewis of Llanelli. He played an important part in the local government of south-east Carmarthenshire and was High Sheriff of the county in 1626.

19. See G. E. Mingay, English Landed Society in the Eighteenth Century, pp. 65 and 66.

20. National Library of Wales. Ashburnham MSS. 5.

21. Ibid., 2024.

22 Ibid., 10.

23. Shown on John Wedge's survey of Kidwelly Bar and Harbour, October 1814.

24. Nat. Lib. Wales. Ashburnham MSS., 10.

25. Ibid., 764, 697 (Accounts of Pembrey Colliery).

26. Ibid., 1527.
The Account Book (MSS. 10) records many payments to Hay and Co. for the construction of horse tramways underground, the laying of oak rails, the sinking of a new pit, and for the general supervision of the making of the canal.
According to G. E. Mingay, op. cit., p.66, the colliery had produced over the years a net income of between a hundred and two hundred pounds a year.
Nat. Lib. Wales. Ashburnham MSS. 10 (Pembrey Colliery Account Book, commencing 29 Sept. 1795) shows that the earl held a fourth share in the colliery, Anthony Tatlow of Penshurst also one fourth, and Henry Child of Llanelli two fourths.

The Carmarthenshire Antiquary, formerly the Transactions, has been published annually since 1905 by the The Carmarthenshire Antiquarian Society. Volumes from 1905 to 1977 have been indexed and a supplementary index for 1978-1987 is appended to the rear of volume XXV (1989). Both indexes are available as separate publications. A new index for the years 1988 to the present is in course of preparation. "

In June 2004, through the good offices of Mr Terry James, the Society very kindly agreed that Genuki could copy some articles from the Antiquary onto its pages and these are linked below.

Otherwise it is intended to use this page as a chronological listing of the main subject headings from the Contents page of each journal that I access.

Some page numbers are included as an indication of the length of the articles.
Details of Shorter Articles & Notes, Appendices or Illustrations have not been included, neither have references to regular features such as Book Reviews, Miscellanea and Miscellaneous Notes.

Linked articles marked   * are hosted on the Kidwelly History site

Contents listings marked   # have been copied from the sale details on the Parish Chest site

Here are details of other publications by the The Carmarthenshire Antiquarian Society

The submission of contents details of any other journal editions not shown below would be most welcome   (Gareth Hicks)

1942, Vol i, Pt 2

• Folk Culture and Local Museums (E G Bowen) 3
• Two Types of Old Rat-Traps from Carmarthenshire (James Hornell) 9
• Centenary of Thomas Lewis (D G Griffiths) 15
• Argraffu ac Agraffwyr yn Llandeilo-Fawr (Gomer M Roberts) 20
• Carmarthenshire Baptists 34
• The History of the Agricultural Cooperative Movement in Carmarthenshire  (H Jones-Davies) 40-47 [This article also has Cardiganshire and Pembrokeshire related content]

1943/4, Vol i, Pts 3 & 4

• The Rebecca Movement in Carmarthenshire (T H Lewis) 6
• Y Beca [in Welsh](J Dyfnallt Owen) 16
• A File of "Rebecca" Papers (Evan D Jones) 21
• Rebeccasium - Bibliography (T Gwyn Jones) 64
• Rebecca Notes (D G Griffiths, T Gwyn Jones, Ieuan Phillips, George Roblings, Dr J W W Stephens) 72-74

1970, Vol vi

• Excavations at Carmarthen, 1969 (Dr G D B Jones) 4
• Some Aspects of Early Nonconformity and Early Commerce in Llanelli (W Kemmis Buckley) 15
• The Descent of the Lordship of Laugharne and Eglwyscummin: Norman Marcher Lordships in South-West Carmarthenshire (Dr Spencer Thomas) 27
• The Canals of the Gwendraeth Valley (part 1) (W H Morris) 53
• Some Maps of Wales and in Particular of the Counties of Pembrokeshire, Cardiganshire and Carmarthenshire (Ann Perkins) 59
• The Log Books of Ferryside School, 1889-1937 (Dilys Jenkins and Roy Davies) 83
• The Roman Gold-Mines at Dolaucothi (P R Lewis and G D B Jones) 90-100

1971, Vol vii

• Fieldwork and Air Photography in Carmarthenshire (G D B Jones) 3
• Carmarthenshire Highways of the Late Eighteenth Century: As Described by Contemporary Travellers (Anthony H T Lewis) 41
• Capel Erbach, Carmarthenshire: A Mediaeval Well Chapel (Glynne R Jones and W H Morris) 48
• The Carmarthen Amphitheatre (J H Little) 58
• The Morris Family of Carmarthenshire (D L Baker-Jones) 64
• The Hill Fort on Merlin's Hill, Abergwili, Carmarthenshire (Shelagh Grealey) 98
• Rhai o Gyfrinfeydd Iforaidd ac Odyddol Sir Gaerfyrddyn yn y Bedwaredd Ganrif ar Bymtheg (Elfyn Scourfield) 102
• The Popkin Family (D Emrys Williams) 120-134

#  1972 Vol viii

• The Towey Valley Roman Road
• Excavations at Castell Cogan 1971: An Interim Report
• The Promontary Fort on Cencoed-Uchaf Farm, Cwmbach, Llanelli.
• The Canals of the Gwendraeth Valley (Part 2).
• Non-Celtic Pre-Reformation Church Dedications in Carmarthenshire.
• Arferion Cymdeithas Amaethyddol Ardal Trelech.
• Llanstephan Castle. An Interim Discussion of the 1971 Excavation.
• David Daniel Davies, MD, FRCP, (1777-1841).
• The Beginnings of Intermediate Technical Education for Boys in Llanelli.
• An Evans Family. (Kidwelly)
• Some Aspects of the Submerged Coast near Amroth

1973, Vol ix

• Excavation of the Roman Fort at Pumpsaint, Carmarthenshire: Interim Report 1972 (G D B Jones and J H Little) 3
• Bron-y-Gaer (G D B Jones, J H Little and Shelagh Grealey) 29
• The 'Age of the Saints' in Carmarthenshire: a Study of Church Deprecations (W N Yates) 53
• The Making of Medieval Carmarthen (Ralph A Griffiths) 82
• John Wesley in Carmarthenshire, 1763-1790 (Kemmis Buckley) 102
• David Daniel Davis, Physician, and his son Edward Davis, Sculptor - A Supplementary Note (Glynne R Jones) 119
• The Llandyfan Forges (Michael C S Evans) 131
• The Chapel Books of Capel Als and Park Congregational Churches, Llanelli, 1745-1900 (Noel Gibbard) 157
• Rhys Dafys Williams: An Appreciation (Prof. E G Bowen) 170-172

1974, Vol x

• Excavations at Pumpsaint 1973: Interim Report.
• An Archaeological Field Survey Project in South East Carmarthenshire.
• Llanstephan Castle: 1973 Interim Report.
• 'Thomas Lloyd His Skole' : Carmarthen's First Tudor Grammar School.
• Carmarthenshire Churches.
• The Canals of the Gwendraeth Valley (part 3): A Field Survey and Guide.
• Carmarthenshire Politics and the Reform Act of 1832.
• Roman Carmarthenshire: A Bibliography

1975, Vol xi

• A Radio-Carbon Date for the Bronze Age in South West Wales: A Preliminary Note on the Excavation of the Composite Mound on Pentre Farm, Pontardulais, West Glamorgan.
• Excavations at Llangynog II 1974.
• A Kidwelly Town Rental of the Early 16th Century (Temp. Henry VIII).
• A Review of Metal Trade Tokens in West Wales.
• * John Davies of Kidwelly: A Neglected Literary Figure of the Seventeenth Century.
• A Pair of Eighteenth Century Labourers' Cottages at Banc Tai Newydd, Pontyberem, Carmarthenshire.
• Macsu Cwrw yn Nhyfed (Domestic Brewing in Dyfed).
• Cwmdwyfran Forge, 1697-1839.

1976, Vol xii

• The Cairns on Mynydd Llagyndeyrn: A Focal Point of the Early Bronze Age in South East Dyfed.
• A Note on the Discovery of the Kyngadle Trulla.
• Hedges and Landscape History.
• Carmarthen Tinplate Works 1800-1821.
• The Postal History of Llanelli.
• The Burry Port and Gwendraeth Valley Railway Company.

1977, Vol xiii

• A Re-Appraisal of the Excavations on the Pwll Mountain Stone Rings, Marros, Dyfed (Anthony H Ward) 3
• Laugharne Castle, 1976 (Richard Avent and Edwin Read) 17
• Hedges and Landscape History : A Study of Land Use in the Kidwelly area (Heather Barnie and Terrence James) 42
• The Pioneers of Estate Mapping in Carmarthenshire (Michael C S Evans) 52
• Carmarthenshire Women and Criminal Transportation to Australia, 1787-1852 (Deirdre Beddoe) 65
• Rural Society in Nineteenth Century Carmarthenshire (David W Howell) 72
• Some Social Implications of the Development of Local History (Susan Beckley) 84
• Prehistoric Carmarthenshire: A Bibliography (Andrew M W Green) 88-98

1978, Vol xiv

• Aspects of Later Prehistoric and Native Roman Carmarthenshire: Part 1 (George Williams) 3
• Laugharne Castle, 1977 (Richard Avent) 21
• Griffith Jones "Persis" (W J M Gilchrist) 37
• Lloyd and Mears of Plas Llanstephan (Major Francis Jones) 42
• Carmarthenshire's Maritime Trade in the 16th and 17th Centuries (Moelwyn I Williams) 61
• A Survey of the Fishponds, Watercourses and other Earthworks at the Site of Whitland Abbey and Iron Forge (Terrence James) 71
• Carmarthen Borough Records: "A Booke of Ordinances" (Susan Beckley) 79
• Henry Trevor Tristram, 1881-1955 (Onfel Thomas) 81
• "Of Commutation or Bartring of Commodities  83-84

1979, Vol xv

• Antiquarian References to Two Cairns on Mynydd Llangyndeyrn, SE Dyfed.
• Aspects of Later Prehistoric and Native Roman Carmarthenshire: Part 2.
• Laugharne Castle, 1978.
• More Light on John Davies of Kidwelly.
• Carmarthenshire's Convict Women in Nineteenth Century Van Diemen's Land.
• Summer in Llanstephan, 1879.
• The Carmarthenshire Record Office: A Survey of Archive Holdings.

1980, Vol xvi

• Carmarthenshire Antiquarian Society, 1905-1980. The First Field Day.
• * Topographical Notes on the Early Medieval Borough of Kidwelly.
• The Bishop's Palace and Collegiate Church, Abergwili.
• A Tale of Two Mansions. (Ffrwd, Llangyndeyrn)
• Society in Nineteenth Century Trelech A'r Betws.
• Technical Education in South West Wales, 1889-1904.

1981, Vol xvii

• Survey and Excavation on Pembrey Mountain.
• Droving and Farm Economy in 18th Century Wales: Some Documents from the Allt y Cadno Estate Papers, 1767-1781.
• The Twin Mansions of Penybanc.
• The Parish of Llangyndeyrn 1851: A Population Study.

1982, Vol xviii

• Some Bronze Age Monuments in the valley of the Gwendraeth Fach, South-East Dyfed (Anthony H Ward) 3
• A Celtic Head from Llandysul (G H Williams and C J Delaney) 9
• Welsh Law in Carmarthenshire (Prof Dafydd Jenkins and Morfydd E Owen) 17
• The Castle of Carnwyllion (J D Davies) 29
• Ystrad Corrwg and Glangwili (Major Francis Jones) 37
• The Queen's Hotel, Carmarthen, A Brief History (Elizabeth Twist) 51
• Chapel and Colliery: Bethel, Cross Hands, 1907-1982 (D Huw Owen) 55-68

1983, Vol xix

• Notes on the Castle of Saint Clears (D J Cathcart King) 5
• * Cloth Manufacture in the Medieval Lordship of Kidwelly (Prof R Ian Jack) 9
• Pembrey Court: An Old Carmarthenshire Manor House (Major Francis Jones) 17
• The forgotten roads of Carmarthenshire: 1. Alltwalis Hill to Llanfihangel-ar-arth and Llandysul (Michael C S Evans) 33
• The logbook of the Brig. Priscella of Carmarthen, April to October, 1820 (Terrence James) 43
• An aspect of population history in Carmarthenshire (Michael Bowen Evans) 53-60

1984, Vol xx

• Preliminary Investigation of the Pollen record from Talley Lakes (Simon Butler) 3
• *  Antiquarian exploration of presumed Bronze Age sepulchral remains on Allt Cunedda, South east Dyfed: new information on discoveries (W Hill Morris and Anthony H Ward) 15
• Aerial Survey and the Roman road from Carmarthen to Llandovery (Heather James and Terrence James) 23
• Llechdwnni Revisited (Major Francis Jones) 29
• 'A True Cosmopolite' James Howell 1594-1666 (Valmai Powel) 51
• Carmarthen Diocese Library (William H Howells) 59
• The Carmarthenshire Butter Trade (Emrys Williams) 69
• The Tumble Strike, 1893 (Noel Gibbard 77
• The importance of motor Omnibus Passenger services in South West Wales as illustrated by the 1935 Bus Strike (Russell Davies) 87-92

1986, Vol xxii  (No contents list)

• *  AN INDUSTRIAL WORK-FORCE - KIDWELLY TIN WORKERS 1881 (MURIEL BOWEN EVANS)  51-58

1987, Vol xxiii

• Field Survey of the Carmel Cairn group near Llandeilo in South West Wales (Anthony H Ward) 3
• Survey and Excavation at Newcastle Emlyn Castle (Charles Parry) 11
• The Families of Talycrwth and Pant Howel in the Parish of Trelech a'r Bettws (Major Francis Jones) 29
• The 1860s at Llanelli - a dynamic decade for trade and shipping (Robin Craig) 41-56

1988, Vol xxiv

• Recent Archaelogical Work on Merlin's Hill, Abergwili (George Williams, Ian Darke, Charles Parry & Jane Isaac) 5
• The Changing Borders of Iscennen (David Rees) 15
• A Medieval Relict Field System on Marros Mountain, Dyfed (Kenneth Murphy) 23
• 'Sir Gariad': Some Comments on Carmarthenshire and its People by Iolo Morgannwg (Muriel Bowen Evans) 33
• Forgotten Roads of Carmarthenshire. 3 Carmarthen to Llanelli and the River Llwchwr (Michael C S Evans)57
• Report on the Restoration of Kidwelly Harbour by John Rennie and Edward Bankes, 1820 (W H Morris) 75
• Cholera and the Public Health Movement in Carmarthen 1848-1856 (Heather James) 83-106

1989, Vol xxv

• W H Morris - a Memoir (Heather James) 3
• Medieval Carmarthen and its Burgesses: a study of town growth and burgess families in the later thirteenth century (Terrence James) 9
• *   An Architectural survey of Penallt medieval house, Kidwelly (P R Davis) 27
• Sculpture in Carmarthenshire: a survey of Church Monuments (Thomas Lloyd) 35
• Daniel Mainwaring, statuary and marble mason - builder of the Picton monment (Edna Dale-Jones) 61
• The Maesgwynne and the Carmarthenshire (Major W Kemmes Buckley) 77-82

1990, Vol xxvi

• Llandovery Castle and the Pipe Rolls, 1159-62 (Roger K Turvey) 5
• *  The Port of Kidwelly (W H Morris) 13
• Alltycadno, a Carmarthenshire country house and its families (Francis Jones) 19
• John Wesley and West Wales (A H Williams) 33
• John Hughes 'Jac Ty-isha' - a Banished son (J Phyllis Brazell) 51
• A Portrait of three nineteenth century Carmarthen families (Edna Dale-Jones) 57
• A Carmarthenshire Childhood (Kemmis Buckley) 73
• A Command Stop Line on Rhos Llangeler, with three references to Pembrey and Burry Port (D G Glover) 81-90

#  1991, Vol xxvii

• Annals of an Old Manor House - Green Castle.
• Carmarthen's Civil War Defences: Discoveries at Carmarthen Greyfriars Excavations 1983-1990.
• 'Little Female Lambs' - Women in the Methodist Societies of Carmarthenshire, 1737-1750.
• The History of Court Henry and its Families.
• Artisan Painters in Carmarthen.
• Carmarthen Craftsmen and Implement Makers.
• Titus Lewis, Commercial Traveller and Man of Letters.
• Edward Joseph (1826-72) Printer and Proprietor of The Carmarthen Weekly Reporter.
• Lakefield School 1928-34.
• Shorter Articles: Carmarthen Museum - Notes on the Collections.

1992, Vol xxviii

• Excavations in Roman Carmarthen 1978-1990.
• The Fourteenth Century Surveys of Newcastle Emlyn and the Building Programme of 1347-80.
• The Grange and Parish of Llanfihangel Cilfargen.
• Dr George Lewis (c.1763-1822) - Son of Trelech: Carmarthenshire Connections.
• Best Gloves for Gentlemen: Intimacy and Ritual in an Early Nineteenth Century Carmarthenshire Funeral.
• Education and the Needs of an Industrial Community: Decision Making in Victorian Llanelli.
• The Gallipoli Campaign 1915: Experiences of Two Carmarthenshire Men.
• Tinopolis.
• Memories of Glanbran.

# 1993, Vol xxix

• Dinefwr and Dynevor: A Place-Name Study.
• Meidrum: Some Sidelights on the Church and Parish.
• Carmarthen Priory Gatehouse.
• Apud Carmarthen: 'A Booke of Ordinaunces'
• The Dissenting Deputies and the Carmarthenshire Cases, 1749-1782.
• A Traveller in the Llandeilo Area in the Summer of 1798.
• Y Preimin Aredig yn Sir Gaerfyrddin.
• Hard Labour on a Hard Disc: Carmarthen's Register of Felons on Computer.
• Eryr Glyn Cothi.
• Three Generations: The Jeffreys of King Street, Carmarthen, 1846-1936.
• A Family Memoir (Jeffreys of King Street as above).
• A Carmarthen Bay Shipwreck.
• Conflict at Sea.
• A Leap into Carmarthen Past.
• Shorter Articles: Mapping Estates; A fragment of the Glanbran 'Gold Bed'; Carmarthen Museum - Notes on the Collections; The Skull of St Teilo.

# 1994, Vol xxx

• King, Prince or Lord? Rhys ap Gruffydd and the Nomenclature of Authority in Twelfth Century Wales.
• Artists' Views of Dynevor.
• Nonconformity in Welsh History.
• Why Study Chapels?
• Some Examples of Dyfed Chapel Architecture.
• Gwasg Gyfnodol Tref Llanymddyfri, 1773-1856.
• Carmarthenshire County Politics, 1804-37.
• David Jones of Llandeilo Fawr: Founder of David Jones Limited of Australia.
• Cilycwm: A Village and its Squire in the Nineteenth Century: People, Property, Development.
• Mr Bundy's Book: Administration and the Workforce - Dynevor Castle 1856.
• Cofio SB Jones (1894-1964): 'Brenin Rhadlon Ymhlith ei Bobl'.
• Workhouse Master's Clerk.
• Shorter Articles: Welsh Wesleyan Methodist Archives; The Emlyn Colliery, Penygroes; Carmarthen Museum - Notes on the Collections.

#  1995, Vol xxxi

• Excavation of a Summit Bronze Age Cairn at Allt-y-Garn, Carmel Mountain, Carmarthenshire, 1994.
• An Incipient Upland Farmstead at Tro'r Derlwyn? Medieval or Early Post-Medieval Buildings in the Nant Garw Valley and the Role of Transhumance in the Dynamics of Settlement on the Black Mountain, South East Carmarthenshire.
• The Medical Books of Medieval Wales and the Physicians of Myddfai.
• The Forest of Glyncothi.
• Rev. John Dyer.
• The Loss of the Brigantine 'Amiable Martha' off Laugharne, September 1786.
• From Llandyfaelog to Santa Fe: A Family Saga.
• Two Anniversaries - 1815 and 1905: Sergeant Samuel Remembered.
• The Carmarthen High School for Girls: A Diocesan Initiative for Equal Educational Opportunities in Victorian Wales.
• Carmarthenshire in Wartime: Memories of Members and Friends.
• Shorter Articles: The Archives of the Amman Iron Company; Dydd Calan; The Skull of St Teilo.

#  1996, Vol xxxii

• Bwrlwm Llys Dinefwr: Brenin, Bardd a Meddyg.
• The Din of Dinefwr: Prince, Poet and Physician.
• Jacobitism in South West Wales.
• 'Mrs Bridget Jones, Widow Lady of Llanelly'.
• Notes on the Howell Family of Ffynnon Felin, Tegfynydd, Danygraig and Penrheol.
• Castell Hywel.
• The Gas Man Cometh: Carmarthen's Story.
• A Home and an Income: Aspects of the 19th Century Parish of Kidwelly.
• A New World Discovered (Evan family of Trelech & USA).
• Before the Federation: Trade Unionism in the Anthracite Coalfield c.1870-1898.
• 'For Watching Kyte Birds' (Bird Protection from 19th Century).
• 'Father's Working on the Railroad'.
• Gone with the Hearth (Domestic Life).
• Shorter Articles: The Origins of the Rose; The Last Will of Rees David, Yeoman of Blaen y Cwm, Llanwrda; Transportation 1800 - a Sequel 1996; Carmarthenshire Archive Service; Carmarthenshire County Museum; Carmarthenshire Place Name Survey.

#  1997, Vol xxxiii

• Llandysilio Church and Parish 500-1543: From Heartland to Borderland.
• Bleddri ap Cadifor ap Collwyn, Lord of Blaencuch and Cil-sant: Fabulator of Arthurian Romance?
• The Northern Approaches to Carmarthenshire.
• Recusancy in Carmarthenshire.
• The Fabric of Parklands and Gardens in the Tywi Valley and Beyond.
• Arrivals and Departures - Carmarthen, 1797.
• Spurrell of Carmarthen: The Contribution of the Overseers to the Success of the Printing Office.
• James Buckley, JP, DL, 1802-1883 of The Trials of a Victorian Paterfamilias.
• Shorter Articles: Teulu John Harries, Melin Sarnau, Talog; More Gas; Dywediadau a Gwerin-eiriau Plwfi Llangeler a Phenboyr a'r Cylch.

#  1998, Vol xxxiv

• Editing St. David's Episcopal Acta 1085-1280.
• Henry ap Gwilym: An Unassuming 15th Century Carmarthenshire Personality.
• Llettyrychen: An Early House Rediscovered.
• Rhys Pritchard, c.1579-1644/5.
• Family and Friends of an Ironmaster: Robert Morgan, 1708-1778.
• Nelson's Tower in Image and Word.
• Towy Works (1795-1995): A Celabration.
• The Whitland to Cardigan Railway.
• The Light of Lleufer Thomas.
• Politics in East Carmarthenshire, 1906-12.
• Doing Local History.
• Shorter Articles: Genetics and the Tracing of Ancestry; Edward Joseph; Dywediadau a Gwerin-eiriau (parhad); The Derwydd Auction; Derwydd Portraits saved for Carmarthenshire; Place-names Survey; Dublin's Fair City.

#  1999,  Vol xxxv  

• A Late-Medieval Monastic Hall-House Rediscovered: The King's Court, Talyllychau.
• An Appraisal of the Stepney Estate Map Book.
• * Y Bertwyn, St. Ishmael: An Abandoned Farm. (Roland Thorn)
• Admiral Nelson Slept Here.
• David Evans Lewis (1813-1895) and the Merlin Brewery.
• A Cameo of Educational Concerns and Reforms: Queen Elizabeth Grammar School.
• The Forster Education Act of 1870: Implementation in the Llanelli Area.
• WRH Powell, the Liberal Unionists and the West Carmarthenshire Vacancy of 1889.
• David Rees Griffiths ('Amanwy'), 1882-1953.
• Doing Local History.
• Shorter Articles: John Lewis and his Welsh Connections; The Tale of a Lustre Jug; Colonel Emil Carl Haag - 18th Hussars 1868-1930; Our Elders and Betters; Sky Blue Trades of Yesteryear; Accessions to the Carmarthenshire Record Office January 1998 - August 1999; Hunangofiant; Visit to Shropshire and the Ironbridge Area.

#    2001, Vol xxxvii

• Twelve Days that Shook South-west Wales: The Royal Letters, Owain Glyndwr and the Campaign of July 1403.
• Stephen Hughes (1622-1688): 'Apostol Sir Gar'; 'The Apostle of Carmarthenshire.
• Stephen Hughes: The Family Man.
• Where there's a Will ...
• The Gwyn Estates in Carmarthenshire: The Blaensawdde Estate.
• Lord George Murray, Bishop of St. David's and Progenitor of the Internet.
• William Jenkin (1798-1841), Green Dragon, Wood's Row: A Forgotten Carmarthen Printer.
• Ar Drwydd Lamp y Cymro.
• On the American Frontier : Amman Valley Emigrants in Texas, 1879-1880  (Bill Jones and Huw Walters)
• The Journalist as Politician: W Llewelyn Williams MP (1867-1922).
• St. Peter's Churchyard and the New Cemetery.
• The Origins of the Brechfa Forest.
• Shorter Articles: Carmarthenshire Hills and the Tudor State; Y Parch. Henry Jones ('Wallensis') 1859-1949; Bar Room Ballads; Dywediadau a Gwerin-Eiriau Plwyfi Llangeler a Phenboyr a'r Cylch (Atodiad); A Small Mystery; Carl Haag and his Family; Visit to Belgium, 27 September-1 October; Some Early Carmarthenshire Emigrants to Minnesota and part of Iowa; Recent Acquisitions at Carmarthenshire County Museum; Carmarthenshire Archive Service; Making Use of the Society's Place-name Survey Database.

#  2003, Vol xxxix

• Prehistoric Funerary and Ritual Sites in Carmarthenshire.
• Fish Weirs on the Taf, Towy and Gwendraeth Estuaries, Carmarthenshire.
• Lost Buildings of Llanstephan.
• The Llanpumpsaint Vestry Book, 1802-29.
• Seaside, Llanelli: A Changing Landscape.
• 'Shrouded in Mystery': Events in the History of Psychiatry in Carmarthenshire.
• Emma Goldman, the Queen of Anarchy: the Carmarthenshire Connection.
• The Carmarthen Olives and the Boar's Head (1857-1938).
• Dylan Thomas' Carmarthenshire Roots.
• The Carmarthen By-election of 1957.
• Shorter Articles: A Roman Fort at Dinefwr Park, Llandeilo; An Interin Review of Ten Years Work at Carmarthen Castle, 1993-2003; Thomas William of Capel Isaac; Daniel E Jones (1860-1941); The Earl of Cawdor's Estate Office; Aberdaunant Farm & Ebenezer Chapel, Llansadwrn; Fish, Game and Print; Guardsman Davies goes to War; County Boundary Changes.

# 2004, Vol xl

• Travelling between England and Wales: the itinerary of Sir Edward Don in 1524
• The Pardo Papers
• The Pentowin Inheritance
• Ambition and Reality - Golden Grove House, 1780-1804
• The Prytherchs of Abergolau
• The Tonn Press
• The Wern, Llanelli: a changing landscape
• The Rebecca Riots - letters from the front
• An Eton schoolboy visits the Amman Valley: diary of a public schoolboy (1843)
• David Jones goes to town: some events in the history of medicine in Carmarthenshire
• Thomas Matthews, MA (1874-1916), Llandybie: historian, writer and art critic
• The West Carmarthenshire Labour nomination of 1953
• Shorter Articles: Fan Foel Round Barrow, Mynydd Du, Interim Excavation Report; Revitalising Carmarthenshire County Museum; Carmarthenshire Museums Service; Carmarthenshire Archive Service 2004; Society Trip to the Isle of Wight.

#  2005, Vol xli

CENTENARY ISSUE

• CENTENARY OF THE SOCIETY
• A Brief History
• The Story of Two Museums
• Morgan Hughes Jones, 1873-1930: decision maker
• First and Second Presidents
• The Founding Members
• George Eyre Evans, 1857-1939: the self-appointed leader
• Sir Daniel Lleufer Thomas, MA, LLD, FSA
• A tale of ragged record keeping in Carmarthenshire
• After the Society's Museum: Carmarthenshire County Museum from 1939
• 'For out of Olde Feldes Cometh al this Newe Corn'
• Lieutenant-General Sir James Hills-Johnes, VC, GCB
• The Great Sale of 1908 at Aberglasney
• Past Field Days
• David Henry Davies, Cenarth: fferyllydd, llengarwr, hynafiaethydd
•  
• ANNIVERSARIES AND OTHER SUBJECTS
• Robert Ferrar: Protestant Martyr
• Lord Nelson Remembered
• Carmarthenshire and the 1904-5 Revival
• Carmarthenshire's Mr Jazz
• Felinfoel: a changing landscape
• Shorter Articles: The Llandeilo Roman Forts second interim report, archaeological investigations 2005; An Etymology for Dyfed; Gwynfor Evans Papers at the National Library of Wales.

Other Publications

• Sir Gâr: Studies in Carmarthenshire History
  ESSAYS IN MEMORY OF W. H. MORRIS AND M. C. S. EVANS
  One of the Essays from the book can be found on  the Kidwelly History site; - Kidwelly Priory by Glanmor Williams

• #  Index to The Carmarthenshire Antiquary - paperback/hardback  1905-1977
• #  Index to The Carmarthenshire Antiquary - paperback 1978-1987

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UK and Ireland: Societies

Family History and Genealogy Societies - the GENUKI listing
(The list is organised by geographical area, and gives details of Family History Societies, and of various other societies that are also concerned with UK & Irish genealogy and family history and associated interests, with contact addresses and links to the societies' own web pages.)

Other Societies:

• There is a major national society, the Society of Genealogists, a large number of local societies. Many of these are grouped together into the Federation of Family History Societies, and the Scottish Association of Family History Societies.
• The Association of Genealogists and Researchers in Archives - "The Association of Genealogists and Researchers in Archives (AGRA) was founded to maintain and promote high standards of professional conduct in the field of genealogy and the reporting of historical research. . . The Members List contains the names of all members and gives details of those who are available to accept commissions."
• The British Records Association aims to encourage and assist with the preservation, care use and publication of historical records.
• The Family and Local History Indexing Group (archived copy) - "FLHIG was formed in June 2004 from the former Genealogical Group of the Society of Indexers (SIGG), continuing with similar aims."
• Family & Community Historical Research Society - scope: "research topics such as Victorian social history, migration, Victorian social classes & history, local history projects, research projects for pre - Victorian England, plus many more aspects of UK 18th, 19th & 20th century family & community history research."
• Details of Local History Societies provided by Local History Magazine.
• The Ulster Historical Foundation provides help with Irish Research.
• GENfair is a commercial organisation which offers online sales of genealogical services and publications. Some Family History Societies in the United Kingdom use GENfair for their online publications sales and membership applications/renewals.
• The British Association for Local History seeks to promote interest local history. The association's publications include The Local Historian - a searchable database of items from this publication is planned.
• The Knights of St Columba "are an Order of Catholic Laymen dedicated to the Service of the Church and fellow man. The Organisation, which is non-political and essentially democratic, exists to support the mission of the Catholic Church and at the same time to work for the spiritual and material good of its members and their families."
• The United Grand Lodge of England is the governing body of Freemasonry in England, Wales and the Channel Islands. There are similar Grand Lodges serving Ireland and Scotland.
• The Huguenot Society of Great Britain & Ireland was founded in 1885 "by directors of the The French Hospital [founded in 1718] to promote the publication and interchange of Knowledge about Huguenots and to form a bond of fellowship of those who, whether or not of Huguenot descent, respect and admire The Huguenots and seek to perpetuate their memory.
• The Catholic Archive Society is "a voluntary organisation founded in 1979 to promote the care of the archives of the Roman Catholic Church in the United Kingdom and Republic of Ireland".
• Centre for Research into Freemasonry at the University of Sheffield.
• Freemasons, Friendly Societies and Trade Unions - Articles & Essays.
• The History of the Foresters - from the Foresters Friendly Society website (archived copy).
• The British Agricultural History Society - who provide full texts of back numbers of their Agricultural History Review.
• The Family and Community Historical Research Society - the "aims of the Society are to promote and communicate research in family and community history, with a particular emphasis on the contribution of locally based micro-studies".